Whittier Journal of Child & Family Advocacy

A Publication of The Center for Children's Rights (CCR) at Whittier Law School

Introduction:

The first issue of the fifth volume of the Whittier Journal of Child & Family Advocacy promises to continue the publication's commitment to promoting the best interests of children and their families through detailed legal analysis. As well as continuing to enhance the publication itself, this year's editorial board is making strides to work in unison with other children's rights agencies.  

Perspectives on Youth, www.perspectivesonyouth.org, is a fabulous resource for the community of child and family advocates, and we are very pleased to feature our articles on the site in attempts to better inform the public about the many difficulties that children and families face when confronting the judicial system.

Our latest issue begins with an article co-authored by Texas Judge Veronica Torrez and attorney Cheryl Coleman entitled The International Abduction of 'International Children': Conflicts of Laws, Federal Statutes, and Judicial Interpretation of the 'Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction' which looks at the many problems that may arise in cases when parents abduct children to foreign countries.   

Margaret Brinig, Gerald Jogerst, Jeanette Daly, Jeffrey Dawson and Gretchen Schmuch all co-author Lawmaking by Public Welfare Professionals, which takes an in-depth look at some of the obstacles associated with bureaucratic discretion in investigating elder and other kinds of abuse. Usually, it is assumed that public policy is determined only by legislators, or perhaps by state regulatory agencies, as well.  In fact, much state
policy making is carried out by workers in the field, who must try to guess what legislators and bureaucrats intended.  The interdisciplinary piece tests these assumptions in the context of domestic elder abuse. 

This article is followed by attorney Melinda Bird's Emily Q.'s Story: Using Medicaid Litigation to Expand Positive Behavior Interventions for Children in the Mental Health System, where Bird examines recent litigation intending to institute mental health services for low-income children. 

Attorneys Barbara Bennett Woodhouse and Sarah Rebecca Katz take a look at the progression and strategies of the Hear My Voice child activist group in Martyrs, the Media and the Web: Examining a Grassroots Children's Rights Movement Through the Lens of Social Movement Theory. 

The Journal also features two studies conducted in the field of child advocacy. Shimica Gaskins authors Is it Possible to Reform a Child Welfare System? An Evaluation of the Current Progress in the District of Columbia and the Advocacy Strategies that Led to Reform, an in-depth look at the pivotal federal class action lawsuit that changed the way the Washington D.C.'s child welfare conducts its affairs. Maryann Zavez publishes the findings from a Vermont Law School study looking at the role confidentiality plays in both attorney and social worker relations with their clients, and then recommendations for creating a structure that is mindful of such concerns, but enhances representation through communication between legal professionals and social workers. The article is entitled The Ethical and Moral Considerations Presented by Lawyer/Social Workers Interdisciplinary Collaborations. 

The upcoming Spring 2006 issue promises an equally in-depth look at current events in the legal field of child and family law. Submissions set for publication include discussions on the harm the No Child Left Behind Act is causing students, and a look at the Statute of Limitations involving Child Abduction cases. 

For more information about submitting an article for publication to the Whittier Journal of Child & Family Advocacy, please contact WJCFA-EIC@law.whittier.edu.

Sincerely,

Timothy A. Haskell

Editor-in-Chief,

WHITTIER JOURNAL OF CHILD & FAMILY ADVOCACY

 

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Whittier Journal of Child & Family Advocacy

"THE INTERNATIONAL ABDUCTION OF 'INTERNATIONAL CHILDREN': CONFLICTS OF LAWS, FEDERAL STATUTES, AND JUDICIAL INTERPRETATION OF THE 'HAGUE CONVENTION ON THE CIVIL ASPECTS OF INTERNATIONAL CHILD ABDUCTION'
By Judge Veronica Torrez, Cheryl Coleman & Tina Burleson

Lawmaking by Public Welfare Professionals
By Margaret Brinig, Gerald Jogerst, Jeanette Daly, Jeffrey Dawson and Gretchen Schmuch

Emily's Q.'s Story: Using Medicaid Litigation to Expand Positive Behavior Interventions for Children in the Mental Health System
By Melinda Bird

MARTYRS, THE MEDIA AND THE WEB: EXAMINING A GRASSROOTS CHILDREN'S RIGHTS MOVEMENT THROUGH THE LENS OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY
By Barbara Bennett Woodhouse and Sarah Rebecca Katz

Is It Possible to Reform A Child Welfare System? An Evaluation of the Current Progress in the District of Columbia and the Advocacy Strategies that Led to Reform
By Shimica Gaskins

THE ETHICAL AND MORAL CONSIDERATIONS PRESENTED BY LAWYER/SOCIAL WORKER INTERDISCIPLINARY COLLABORATIONS
By Maryann Zavez


 
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"THE INTERNATIONAL ABDUCTION OF 'INTERNATIONAL CHILDREN': CONFLICTS OF LAWS, FEDERAL STATUTES, AND JUDICIAL INTERPRETATION OF THE 'HAGUE CONVENTION ON THE CIVIL ASPECTS OF INTERNATIONAL CHILD ABDUCTION'
By Judge Veronica Torrez, Cheryl Coleman & Tina Burleson

Please Note: You can easily jump to any citation in this article by clicking on citation numbers within the article's text.

Introduction

The Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction[1] was approved in 1980 and the United States became a contracting party on July 1, 1988. Congress passed the International Child Abduction Remedies Act (ICARA)[2] for the implementation of the Hague Convention. ICARA is merely procedural; so when claims are brought under it, the courts will look to both ICARA and the Convention because the two are inextricably intertwined. The Hague Convention was developed to stop the pervasive, endemic, and invidious practice of abducting children to foreign countries. The Hague Convention is neither an extradition treaty nor can its provisions adjudicate the merits of a custody dispute; it is simply a civil remedy enacted to preserve the status quo by returning children to the country of their "habitual residence" and allowing local judicial authorities to decide the merits of the custody dispute under that country's relevant laws.[3] Each international child abduction case must be decided by applying The Hague Convention, ICARA, conflicts of law, federal statutes, and a growing list of federal cases that have interpreted the Convention and ICARA.

The Kansas Supreme Court case of Dalmasso v. Dalmasso[4] is instructive of the typical fact situation that gives rise to the international abduction of children. In 1991, Mrs. Dalmasso, a United States citizen, and Mr. Dalmasso, a French citizen, married in the United States.[5] There were four children born during the couple's marriage; three of the children were born in France and one was born in Canada.[6] During their eight-year-marriage, the Dalmassos lived as a family in France, Canada and the United States.[7] Specifically, the children resided with their parents in Canada from September of 1994 to July of 1995.[8] The family subsequently lived in Kansas from July of 1995 until March of 1996, and in March of 1996, the children and their parents moved to France where they lived until early January, 1999.[9]

In 1999, Mrs. Dalmasso departed France with three of the four children, claiming that she was dissatisfied with her marriage and fearful that if her husband initiated divorce proceedings in France, she would never be able to leave the country with the children.[10] After Mrs. Dalmasso left France, Mr. Dalmasso commenced legal proceedings in the courts of Dinan, France.[11] On January 29, 1999, the French Court entered a Provisional Order declaring that all four children should reside with Mr. Dalmasso.[12] On April 12, 1999, Mrs. Dalmasso filed for divorce in Kansas, and requested the Court to render temporary orders awarding her custody of the children.[13] The Court scheduled a hearing on the temporary orders request; however, before the hearing was held, Mr. Dalmasso notified the Court that he had made an application for return of his children under the Hague Convention, alleging that his children were wrongfully removed from his custody in France.[14] He also provided an authenticated copy of the French Order, along with its translation to the Kansas trial court.[15] The Court was also notified by the United States State Department that Mr. Dalmasso had applied for return of the children under the Hague Convention.[16] In addition to their legal posturing, both parties accused each other of physical and emotional abuse, as well as alleging that the other parent used psychological medication (Prozac).[17] Further, the trial court found evidence that both parties employed corporal punishment as a method of discipline.[18]

As a result, the Court declined to enter an Order of Temporary Custody in favor of Mrs. Dalmasso.[19] Rather, on May 12, 1999, the Court held a telephone conference where all of the parties appeared with counsel and entered the following stipulations: 1) Mr. Dalmasso was exercising custody rights when Mrs. Dalmasso removed the children from France; and 2) that the children's residences, as stated in the Petition for Divorce, were accurate.[20] However, Mrs. Dalmasso maintained that she did not wrongfully remove the children, and she argued that Convention exceptions existed to support the denial of Mr. Dalmasso's Petition for Return of the Children.[21] Specifically, Mrs. Dalmasso alleged that the return of the children to France would subject them to grave risk of psychological or physical harm.[22]

To support his allegation that Mrs. Dalmasso wrongfully removed the children from France, Mr. Dalmasso filed a formal Petition for Return of the Children, a Declaration, Establishing the Habitual Residence of the Children, and he submitted several other documents including an affidavit clarifying the applicable French law.[23] After reviewing the pleadings and documents on file and the testimony presented, the trial court made the following findings: a) France was the appropriate forum to determine the custody issues; b) Mr. Dalmasso established by a preponderance of the evidence that Mrs. Dalmasso wrongfully removed the children from their "habitual residence"; and c) Mrs. Dalmasso did not establish by clear and convincing evidence that return of the children to France would expose them to grave risk of physical or psychological harm, or that their return should not be permitted under fundamental principles of human rights and fundamental freedoms.[24] The court then ordered Mrs. Dalmasso to return the children to France.[25]

Jurisdiction

The United States has numerous laws, both federal and state, that protect an American child from being abducted by a disgruntled parent or other malcontent. Some of these laws include: the Uniform Child Custody Jurisdiction Act (UCCJA), the Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act (PKPA), the International Child Abduction Remedies Act (ICARA), and the Full Faith and Credit Doctrine.[26] The UCCJA, ICARA, and the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction govern jurisdiction and recognition of interstate or international child custody decisions.[27] In international cases, issues such as comity come into play when the laws governing full faith and credit do not apply.[28] The National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws (NCCUSL) proposed the Uniform Child Custody Jurisdiction Act (UCCJA) in 1968 with the hopes of deterring abductions, promoting interstate cooperation and communication in adjudicating child custody matters, and facilitating the enforcement of custody decrees of sister states.[29]

The general purpose of the Uniform Child Custody Jurisdiction Act (UCCJA), as adopted by Texas in 1983,[30] is to:

avoid jurisdictional competition and conflict with courts of other states in matters of child custody which have in the past resulted in shifting of children from state to state with harmful effects on their well-being; . . . . assure that litigation concerning the custody of a child take place ordinarily in the state with which the child and his family care, protection, training, and personal relationships are most readily available, and that courts of this state decline the exercise of jurisdiction when the child and his family have a closer connection with another state.[31]

This law requires that other states adhere to the decrees of sister states. For example, in Texas, custody proceedings and decrees of other states are to be recognized and enforced by local courts.[32] Furthermore, the Act precludes Texas courts from exercising jurisdiction in cases where simultaneous proceedings occur in other states.[33] Likewise, Texas courts cannot modify another state's custody decree unless it does not have UCCJA jurisdiction.[34] These provisions give full faith and credit to the custody decrees of other UCCJA states.[35]

Before a court exercises jurisdiction, it must determine that no other court has a superior jurisdictional claim.[36] A decree of another state will be upheld and given res judicata effect if rendered with subject matter and personal jurisdiction.[37] The issue of child custody under UCCJA is not a question of personal jurisdiction, but one of subject matter jurisdiction.[38] A foreign court may have jurisdiction to determine divorce issues but not custody issues.[39] A court cannot exercise jurisdiction in a custody dispute unless jurisdiction is permissible pursuant to the UCCJA.[40] The Texas court must recognize and enforce the foreign child custody decree if it finds that the foreign court meets one of four UCCJA criteria: 1) the foreign state is the home state; 2) the foreign state has substantial connections/substantial evidence; 3) emergency; or 4) default.[41] Pursuant to the statute, Texas "is the home state of the child on the date of the commencement of the proceeding, or was the home state of the child within six months before the commencement of the proceeding and the child is absent from this state but a parent or person acting as a parent continues to live in this state . . . ."[42]

Case law in Texas has strictly construed this definition and will not exercise home state jurisdiction unless the six-month requirement is met.[43] For example, in Grimes v. Grimes, the court held that Texas did not have jurisdiction to modify the Texas divorce decree as to one of the children because that child had resided outside of Texas for more than six months; however, it could modify the decree as to the other child that had been residing in Texas since the rendering of the decree.[44]

The second ground for jurisdiction under the UCCJA is "significant connection/substantial evidence."[45] Under this provision, there is no need to show that the child has lived in the jurisdiction for at least six months.[46] However, Texas courts can exercise this jurisdiction only if no other state has "home state" jurisdiction.[47] Likewise, the custody decree on a "significant connection/substantial evidence" ground is not required to be recognized by Texas courts if the court issuing the decree is not acting in conformity with UCCJA jurisdiction provisions; furthermore "significant connection/substantial evidence" based on jurisdiction is subordinate to home state jurisdiction under the "full faith and credit" doctrine.[48] However, Texas courts have emphasized the importance of recognizing out-of-state child custody decrees and have enforced decrees based on substantial contact/substantial evidence.[49] In Hansen v. Leckey, the Texas court followed the Kansas decree even though Colorado had been the home state of the child at the commencement of the Kansas modification proceeding.[50] The Court's rationale was that it was in the best interest of the child to follow the State that has a significant connection with the child other than mere physical presence.[51]

The commentary accompanying the UCCJA states that the emergency jurisdiction provisions "retain[] and reaffirm[] parens partri jurisdiction, usually exercised by a juvenile court, which a state must assume when a child is in an emergency situation requiring immediate protection." But only true emergencies justify a resort to emergency jurisdiction, and the court will only retain jurisdiction until the court in the forum takes proper steps to adequately protect the child.[52] The determination of emergency jurisdiction depends on the serious and immediate question concerning the welfare of the child, and contemplates a child in imminent danger of physical or emotional harm which necessitates immediate action to protect the child.[53] For example, in Soto-Ruphun v. Yates, a Texas court held that a mother's allegations that she intended to remove her son to Costa Rica, and preferred to "see him dead" before she would allow him to live with his father, did not constitute a serious and immediate danger because there was no imminent irreparable harm.[54]

Even when none of the other UCCJA jurisdiction provisions apply, Texas courts will recognize foreign decrees based on default. Grounds for default exist when there is "substantial contacts/substantial evidence" or emergency jurisdiction; it is in the best interest of the child and no venue has "home state" jurisdiction; or another state declined jurisdiction because a foreign jurisdiction was deemed to be a more appropriate forum.[55]

Whether a particular jurisdiction's act will be given effect by another jurisdiction's courts depends on the jurisdictional status of the issuing court.[56] That is, is the underlying order an enforceable order? A Court making this determination must ensure that due process was met when the underlying order was obtained; for example, the issuing Court must have subject matter and personal jurisdiction.[57] Additionally, the UCCJA requires that the order must be final if it is to be given effect in another jurisdiction; lastly, the UCCJA does not require states to extend full faith and credit to foreign orders.[58]

Subject matter jurisdiction refers to the power of the court to hear the type of litigation involved.[59] In determining whether recognition will be given to a foreign family order, the question of jurisdiction must be established according to standards of due process and reasonable notice in order to confer personal jurisdiction. Courts will not give full faith and credit or comity to a family law order that did not have "in personam" jurisdiction. For example, a Texas Court would not recognize a foreign divorce judgment as valid unless one of the spouses was a good faith domiciliary in the foreign nation at the time the decree was rendered.[60] An ex parte divorce based on the petitioning spouse's physical presence and notice to, or constructive service upon an absent defendant, will generally be denied recognition without a showing of a domicile by at least one spouse.[61] Courts have also refused to render decrees that include alimony or child support obligations unless the Court asserted personal jurisdiction over both parties.[62] Additionally, service of process or notice in accordance with the practices of an applicable jurisdiction, or a general appearance by the defendant, is required for a foreign order to be recognized.[63] The finality of a foreign decree must be determined before it is entitled to recognition and consideration.[64] For example, a Texas court is not required to give full faith and credit to an order of another state when that proceeding is still pending. In Scott v. Scott, a decision to deny a motion to stay proceedings was not discretionary since the California proceeding was not final.[65] In essence, a family law order, which is merely interlocutory, rather than final, is not entitled to full faith and credit or comity; therefore it is unenforceable.[66] Furthermore, in determining whether a family order is final or interlocutory, the law of the state in which judgment is rendered controls.[67]

The effect of a sister state's court action are normally determined by principles of full faith and credit. However, the concept of full faith and credit does not apply when the issuing jurisdiction is not a United States jurisdiction; in such cases, the doctrine of comity applies.[68] Where comity is mandated by treaty or by statute, or whether Texas courts will give effect to a foreign court proceeding would be substantially the same.[69]

As distinguished from full faith and credit, comity is voluntary; the court of one jurisdiction can voluntarily recognize the judgments of a court of another jurisdiction.[70] Strictly speaking, full faith and credit has no application to the laws, proceedings, and judgments of a foreign nation as it derives from the United States Constitution; however, comity can be applied to legal proceedings and judgments of foreign countries.[71]

The Texas Supreme Court, in Gannon v. Payne, described comity as a

" 'principle of mutual convenience whereby one state or jurisdiction will give effect to the laws and judicial decisions of another.' "[72] Where issues of child custody are concerned, comity is determined pursuant to the UCCJA and ICARA if the case involves an international child and a Hague signatory country.[73]

The intent of the UCCJA has always been that its general policies should apply to international custody cases.[74] The "International Application" is that its

general policies. . . extend to the international arena. The provisions of this subchapter relating to the recognition and enforcement of custody decrees of other states apply to custody decrees and decrees involving legal institutions similar in nature to custody institutions rendered by appropriate authorities of other nations if reasonable notice and opportunity to be heard were given to all affected.[75]

Pursuant to UCCJA ¤ 152.023, Texas courts shall recognize and enforce a decree of a similar court in another nation where due process is observed.[76] The Court of Mexico has been held to function like a Texas court handling domestic matters.[77] For example, in Garza v. Harvey, a husband and wife who had resided in Monterrey, Mexico obtained a Mexican divorce.[78] While the wife was granted temporary custody of the children, she was ordered not to remove them from the Monterrey area as the husband was granted extensive visitation rights.[79] Despite the provisions of the divorce, the wife fled to Texas with the children while final custody was still pending in Monterrey, and the husband subsequently filed a petition in Texas to enforce the Mexican decree.[80] The wife then counterclaimed, asking for a temporary injunction and modification of the Mexican decree.[81] The Honorable Naomie Harvey granted the temporary injunction pending final orders and the husband filed a writ of mandamus.[82] The Court of Appeals found that the UCCJA was applicable; the Mexican Court functioned like a Texas court and found that the district court had jurisdiction under UCCJA "emergency" jurisdiction.[83] The court held that as to one of the children, the district court could only act on a short-term emergency basis until the Mexican court acted to protect the child.[84] As to the other child, the Texas court would have to recognize the Mexican decree.[85]

In summary, the UCCJA does not resolve all interstate and international custody issues. The gray area under the UCCJA is that the home state is not given special priority, that is, a court may render an initial custody decree under any ground.[86] Thus, one state could assume "home state" jurisdiction; while another state assumes "substantial connection" jurisdiction.[87] As the UCCJA permits concurrent jurisdiction, it may not resolve the multi-state custody litigation conundrum.[88] Many states treat interference with parental custody as a misdemeanor, and therefore, extradition is not allowed.[89] In 1980, Congress sought to resolve these problems with the Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act (PKPA).[90]

PARENTAL KIDNAPPING PREVENTION ACT (PKPA)

As a federal statute, the PKPA preempts state law, including the UCCJA, when there is a conflict.[91] The PKPA applies to custody disputes, even if there has been no kidnapping or other wrongdoing, and it provides that a state must give full faith and credit to a sister state's custody order if the requirements of the PKPA are met.[92] The PKPA contains numerous valuable provisions, and the two most important are sections 8 and 10. Section 10 provides for criminal sanctions in cases where interstate or international kidnapping has occurred.[93] More specifically, it provides that ¤ 1073 of Title 18 of the United States Code is applicable to interstate and international flight in parental kidnapping cases, thereby making interstate or international kidnapping a crime punished by a fine of up to $5,000.00 and/or imprisonment of up to five years.[94] It is possible that this federal crime of flight would not be applicable if the State does not have or does not enforce criminal provisions making the kidnapping a crime.[95] The crime of flight is more likely to occur in international law cases, and it is even more complicated when dealing with a country in which the United States does not have an extradition treaty. For example, if no extradition treaty exists, then that country typically has no obligation to forward that criminal to the United States.[96]

Section 8 of the PKPA provides for the amendment of Title 28 of the United States Code by adding ¤ 1738A, entitled "Full Faith and Credit Given to Child Custody Determination." [97] Section 1738A is compelling upon the states and the state courts; it requires the state authorities to enforce child custody determinations made by another state when such determinations are made consistently with the provisions of ¤ 1738A.[98] It also provides for certain due process and notice requirements to the potential contestants. Subsection (c) sets out seven conditions regarding contacts between the state and the child, one of which must be satisfied for a court to undertake jurisdiction.[99] Subsection (f) sets out rules for one state undertaking to modify the child custody determination of another state.[100] Subsection (f) provides that a court of a state may modify a determination of the custody of the same child made by a court of another state, if it has jurisdiction to make such a child custody determination, and the court of the other state no longer has jurisdiction determination.[101]

In McGee v. McGee, the El Paso Court of Appeals, strictly applied 1738(f)(2) when it held that it had jurisdiction to modify a Mississippi decree.[102] The McGee court held that the children's principal residence at the time the change of custody proceeding began was in Texas, and Mississippi, the state of the initial determination, was no longer the residence of the child or either parent.[103] In making this determination, the court relied on the fact that the principal residence of the children and the mother was Texas at the time of the commencement of the proceedings;[104] therefore, the court held that it had subject matter jurisdiction.[105]

Subsection (g) of 1738A deals with the issue of pending proceedings in other states and provides that a "court of a state shall not exercise jurisdiction in any proceeding for a custody determination commenced during the pending of a proceeding in a court of that other state exercising jurisdiction consistently with the provision of this section to make a custody determination."[106]

Given the facts of McGee, if the father of the children attempted to initiate Mississippi proceedings after the Texas Court had started its proceeding, Mississippi could no longer assert subject matter jurisdiction pending the Texas proceedings.[107] One exception to this section is termination of parental rights. It has been held that this subsection does not prevent a state court from exercising jurisdiction to terminate parental rights while there is a pending child custody proceeding in another state.[108]

INTERNATIONAL CHILD ABDUCTION REMEDIES ACT (ICARA)

In response to The Hague Convention, the U.S. enacted the International Child Abduction Remedies Act, effective July 1, 1988. This Act adopted the Hague Convention and established implementation procedures.[109] Under this Act, the courts in the United States were empowered to determine rights under the Convention, but not the claim's underlying merits.[110] In Friedrich v. Friedrich, once the court determined the parent's custody rights, the merits were decided under the laws of the child's habitual residence.[111] ICARA discusses, inter alia, judicial remedies, the authority of the court, and the collection, maintenance and dissemination of information by the United States Central Authority under the Convention.[112]

Under ICARA, Congress made the following findings:

(1)The international abduction or wrongful retention of children is harmful to their well-being.

(2) Persons should not be permitted to obtain custody of children by virtue of their wrongful removal or retention

(3) International abduction and retentions of children are increasing, and only concerted cooperation pursuant to an international agreement can effectively combat this problem.

(4) the Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, done at The Hague on October 25, 1980 establishes legal rights and procedures for the prompt return of children who have been wrongfully removed or retained, as well as for securing the exercise of visitation rights. Children who are wrongfully removed or retained within the meaning of the Convention are to be promptly returned unless one of the narrow exceptions set forth in the Convention applies. The Convention provides a sound treaty framework to help resolve the problems of international abduction and retention of children and will deter such wrongful removals and retentions.[113]

And made the following declarations: The Congress makes the following declarations:

1) it is the purpose of this chapter to establish procedures for the implementation of the Convention in the U.S.

2) the provisions of this chapter are in addition to and not in lieu of the provisions of the Convention."

3) in enacting this chapter, the Congress recognizes--

a) the international character of the Convention; and

b) the need of uniform international interpretations of the Conventions

4) the Conventions and this Act empower courts in the U.S. to determine only rights under the Convention and not merits of any underlying child custody claims.[114]

ICARA provided definitions for Convention terms, such as "applicant," "Convention," "Parent Locator Service," "petitioner," "rights of access"; however, it should be noted that "child" is not defined.[115] Prior to The Hague 1996 amendments, this was a gray area because U.S. law, both federal and state (UCCJA and PKPA), defined a child as anyone under the age of 18, while the 1980 Hague Convention defined children as persons under the age of 16.[116] Hague 1996 cured this problem by changing the age limit to 18.[117] However, Hague 1980 allowed for certain countries to make reservations.[118] It is possible that if certain countries who were signatories to The Hague 1980 but have not yet signed The Hague 1996 would not be bound to this change. Therefore, as to those countries, conflict may arise when a child is seventeen and taken to a country that is not a signatory to The Hague 1996. The Hague will not apply and be of no assistance because the child no longer falls under The Hague provisions. This might be an area that one might argue comity.

Any person seeking to initiate a Hague proceeding may do so by filing a petition for the relief sought in any court which has jurisdiction of such action and which is authorized to exercise its jurisdiction in the place where the child is located.[119] All notice requirements must be met in accordance with the applicable law governing notice in interstate child custody proceedings.[120] ICARA set out the applicable burdens of proof and provides that the remedies under this Act are not exclusive and shall be in addition to remedies available by other laws or agreements.[121] ICARA's "full faith and credit clause"[122] provides, "Full faith and credit shall be accorded by the courts of the States and the courts of the United States to the judgment of any other such court or denying the return of a child, pursuant to the Convention, in an action brought under this chapter." [123]

Any court exercising jurisdiction of an action brought under ICARA may take measures under Federal or State law, as appropriate, to protect the well-being of the child involved or to prevent the child's further removal or concealment before the final disposition.[124] However, the court may not order a child removed from a person having physical control of the child unless applicable requirements of state law are met.[125] Petitioner bears the up-front costs.[126] ICARA has similar provisions to The Hague regarding cost. ICARA provides that if a court orders the return of the child then Respondent bears the cost that Petitioner had to bring the suit;[127] and it also provides that the offending party must pay incidental expenses associated with returning the child.[128]

Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of

International Child Abduction

The Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction (The Hague or the Hague Convention) was adopted at The Hague, The Netherlands, on Oct. 25, 1980, and was ratified by Congress on July 1, 1988. As of March 30, 2003, there are 53 signatory countries.[129] The aim of the Convention was to deter international child abduction and to provide a mechanism for the prompt return of abducted children to their home country, where the tribunals can resolve the custody issues, if any, on the merits. Additionally, the purpose was to stop wrongful removals or retentions involving the signatory states and the United States.[130] In October 1986, the United States Senate ratified The Hague Convention on the Aspects of Child Abduction which was implemented in April 1988 as the International Child Abduction Remedies Act (ICARA).[131]

The Hague applies between signatory states only as to wrongful removals or retentions occurring after the Convention's entry into force in that state. It provides for the prompt return of children who have been wrongfully removed and retained in another country which has ratified the Convention, and it also deals with the right of access.[132] The Hague applies to any child who was a habitual resident in a contracting state immediately before a breach of custody or access of rights.[133] The term "habitual resident" is used by both The Hague and the UCCJA. Habitual residency and breach of custody rights are areas which require judicial interpretation. The following articles are typically the most litigious sections.

Article 12 of The Hague Convention provides that if the child has been retained wrongfully in the requested state for less than one year, the child is to be returned automatically; if the child has been in the requested state for longer than one year, the child is to be returned unless it is demonstrated that the child is now settled in its new environment.[134]

Article 3 of The Hague Convention provides that the removal or retention of a child is wrongful when it is in breach of custody rights of persons and/or institution(s) under the law of the State in which the child was habitually resident immediately before the removal or retention and at the time of removal or retention the custody rights were actually being exercised or would have been exercised but for the removal or retention.[135]

Article 13 of The Hague Convention provides exceptions upon which the judicial or administrative authority is not bound to order the return of the child. The authorities are not bound to return the child if: 1) the person or institution or other body having care of the person of the child was not actually exercising the custody rights at the time of the removal or retention, or had consented to or subsequently acquiesced in the removal or retention of the child, 2) there is grave risk or exposure of physical or psychological harm or otherwise place the child in an intolerable situation, 3) if the child has attained the age and degree of maturity and he objects to being returned, 4) the authorities shall take into account the information relating to the social background of the child or other competent authority of the child's habitual residence.[136]

Article 16 of The Hague Convention provides that after receiving notice of a wrongful removal or retention of a child, the administrative authorities of the Contracting State to which the child has been removed or in which it has been retained shall not decide the merit of the rights of custody until it has been determined that the child is not to be returned under this Convention or unless an application under the Convention is not lodged within a reasonable time following receipt of the notice.[137]

The Hague also has a provision regarding costs and services provided. Article 26 provides that while each central authority shall bear their own cost in relations to Hague applications, they may require the payment of the expenses incurred or to be incurred in implementing the return of the child.[138] However, a contracting state can declare that it shall not be bound to assume any expenses resulting from the participation of legal counsel, advisers, or from court proceedings, except insofar as those costs may be covered by its system of legal aid and advice.[139] The Hague provides that administrative authorities, in cases where a court has found that the child was wrongfully removed or retained, may order the party who wrongfully removed or retained the child to bear the cost of necessary expenses incurred by, or on behalf of the applicant; these costs include travel expenses, any costs incurred, payments made for locating the child, the costs of legal representation of the applicant, and those of returning the child.[140]

In October 1996, the signatories to The Hague reconvened to consider the need to improve the protection of children in international situations; wishing to avoid conflicts between legal systems in respect of jurisdiction, applicable law, recognition and enforcement of measures for the protection of children; the importance of international co-operation for the protection of children, and confirming that the best interest of the child is to be a primary consideration. It was noted that the Convention of 5 October 1961 and the United Nations Conventions on the Rights of the Child of 20 November 1989 were in need of revision as regards the power of authorities and applicable law.[141] As a result, the 1996 amendments made changes by providing more precise definition and clarity to The Hague in many of the various articles; some of the articles were combined.

Prior to the 1996 session, Article 1 of The Hague simply stated the purpose of The Hague was to secure the prompt return of children that were wrongfully removed or retained and to ensure rights of access. Article 1 of The Hague 1996, appears to have been amended to be more specific and include a broader definition to include adoption. Article 1 presents new objectives. It establishes safeguards to ensure that inter-country adoptions take place in the best interests of the child and with respect for its fundamental rights, and a system of cooperation among Contracting States. Article 1 also establishes safeguards to prevent the abduction, the sale or trafficking of children by requiring adoptions to be made in accordance with the Convention.[142] The Convention applies to all adoptions between Contracting States that result in a permanent parent-child relationship, but ceases to apply if a child becomes eighteen before certain Convention steps have been taken.[143]

More specifically, Article 1 of the October 1996 Hague provides:

1. The objectives of the present Convention are-

a) to determine the State whose authorities have jurisdiction to take measures directed to the protection of the person or property of the child;

b) to determine which law is to be applied by such authorities in exercising their jurisdiction;

c)to determine the law applicable to parental responsibility;

d) to provide for the recognition and enforcement of such measures of protection in all Contracting States;

e) to establish such cooperation between the authorities of the Contracting States as may be necessary in order to achieve the purpose of this Convention.

2. For the purposes of this Convention, the term 'parental responsibility' includes parental authority, or any analogous relationship of authority determining the rights, powers and responsibilities of parents, guardians or other legal representatives in relation to the person or the property of the child.[144]

Prior to the 1996 session, The Hague of 1980 applied to children from the date of birth until age sixteenth. Hague 1996 in Article 2 amended the age. It set forth that The Hague applies to children until the age of eighteen.[145] This amendment cured a gray area that previously existed between United States's laws and The Hague. ICARA, UCCJA and PKPA Act state that their provisions applied to children until the age of eighteen compared to The Hague 1980 which set the age limit at sixteen. Article 3 defines wrongful removal or retention. This section is now covered in Article 7 of The Hague 1996. Article 3 of The Hague 1996 has provisions as to rights of custody, right of access, parents, guardians and parental status.[146]

Article 4 of Hague 1996, sets out factors or types of cases in which The Hague will not apply. One important factor is that The Hague does not apply in cases regarding establishment of a parent-child relationship or where the same is in contest.[147] This is a problem because the United States borders Mexico. Many children are born out of wedlock and paternity is in contest. In many cases when the suit has started, the Mexican father will abduct the child and take the child to Mexico in hopes of discouraging the Mother from pursuing the case. In these types of cases the Mother will drop the case in hope that the father will return the child. Meanwhile, the child remains illegitimate and on welfare because no child support is paid by the father. Cases like this appear before the attorney general's office on an every day basis in cities such as Houston, San Antonio, and in all of the border towns such as Laredo, El Paso, Del Rio and McAllen Texas.[148] Article 4 also provides that The Hague does not apply to maintenance obligations, the Convention on the Law Applicable to Maintenance Obligations in Respect of Children and the Convention on Jurisdiction and Enforcement in Civil and Commercial Matters are treaties that apply to the enforcement of civil judgments.[149] The effect of this provision is that if a proceeding is being commenced for both the return of the child and enforcement of child support the two treaties may create conflicts as to which treaty will govern the action. There may be a difference in procedures provided by each treaty.

Article 5 of The Hague 1980 defined "right of custody and access." Hague 1996 set out these provisions in Article 7 and also defined what is wrongful removal or retention of a child along with possible defenses. Articles 3 and 7 of The Hague 1980 are now combined together. Additionally, Hague 1996 has amended the article to also apply to children where "habitual residence" cannot be established under Article 6(2). Furthermore, Articles 5 and 6 give more precise provisions as to the jurisdiction for cases which determine residence.[150] Articles 12 and 13 of The Hague include provisions for processing a Hague application and the return of the child unless one of the four defenses apply pursuant to Hague 1980, Article 13. The Hague 1996 now incorporates provisions in Article 7.[151]

The Hague 1996 now has provisions where a contracting state may request to hear a case because it would be in the "best interest" of the child. This type of language is also seen in U.S. state and federal laws e.g., ( UCCJA and PKPA). For example, Article 8 of The Hague provides that a contracting state may make the above request if it is a state that has substantial connection with the child.[152] Another change that appears in The Hague 1996, is that Article 11 now has language that deals with cases that are urgent and need immediate action for the protection of the child.[153]

Article 11 provides that:

1. In all cases of urgency, the authorities of any Contracting State in whose territory the child or property belonging to the child is present have jurisdiction to take any necessary measures of protection.

2. The measures taken under the preceding paragraph with regard to a child habitually resident in a Contracting State shall lapse as soon as the authorities which have jurisdiction under Articles 5 to 10 have taken the measures required by the situation.

3. The measures taken under paragraph 1 with regard to a child who is habitually resident in a non-Contracting State shall lapse in each Contracting State as soon as measures required by the situation and taken by the authorities of another State are recognised in the Contracting State in question.[154]

The revision made to The Hague in 1996 seems to address some of the areas that previously required to be interpreted by case law.

In summary, The Hague and ICARA have mirror image provisions. The mission of both is to deter international child abduction and to provide a mechanism for the prompt return of abducted children to their home country. The Hague merely determines whether the child was wrongfully removed and whether the child will be returned while the merits of the custody issue will be determined by the "habitual resident" state in accordance with their laws. The countries which have acceded to the Convention agree that a child who is a habitual resident in the country that is a party to the Convention, and who has been removed or retained in another country that is a party to the Convention shall be promptly returned subject to certain exceptions.[155]

ICARA created a Central Authority to discharge the duties imposed upon the United States by the Convention and grant concurrent jurisdiction to federal and state courts to enforce the Convention.[156] The Central Authority has a process for both "outgoing cases" and "incoming cases".[157] In outgoing cases the Convention does not, in fact, require that any individual seek the assistance of a Central Authority either in the place to which the child's return is sought or in the state where the return petition is to be heard.[158] Instead, the utmost flexibility is maintained by permitting a party to initiate return proceedings directly before the judicial or administrative authorities of the place where the child is located, or to seek assistance from a Central Authority in the petitioner's home country or in any other contracting state.[159] In practice there are great advantages in making use of the local Central Authority. Once a snatch has occurred, of course, the Central Authority is equipped to assist a left-behind parent or counsel in reaching the foreign Central Authority.[160] The local Central Authority can also provide information and referrals that will cut through an apparent bureaucratic maze.[161]

This efficiency extends to applications themselves. Although countries generally use a standardized form to request assistance under the Convention, some countries also require signed powers of attorney or information establishing the applicant's eligibility for legal assistance before the case may go forward.[162] Advice is also available concerning appropriate supporting documents such as affidavits, translations, social studies, a declaration of wrongful taking or retention, "undertakings," or an authorization in advance for appeal should the applicant lose at trial.[163] In "incoming cases," the functions of a Central Authority that receives an application from abroad for the child's return are equally varied and potentially helpful to the applicant.[164] First, assuming that it agrees to handle the case, the Central Authority must assist in locating a child.[165] Recognizing the practical dangers some Central Authorities recommend that ex parte orders should be secured so as to prevent re-abduction in every case at the time the court action is filed and before negotiations are opened with the alleged abductor.[166] The Convention directs Central Authorities to initiate or facilitate the initiation of such proceedings, but it does not require that the applicant be represented by Central Authority personnel.[167] Once litigation is under way, Central Authorities remain available to provide information and to assist the court in obtaining requested social studies, determinations as to wrongfulness, or even the presence of a party or important witness.[168] In summarizing the Central Authorities role, its main objective is discharging the day to day operations of The Hague. However, it also works to educate the public regarding The Hague and "international child abduction".[169]

ICARA grants the United States District Courts and the courts of each of the states concurrent original jurisdiction of actions arising under the Convention. A proceeding under the Convention is not a custody proceeding. Additionally, the Convention does not preclude any person, institution, or body who claims that there has been a breach of custody or access rights from applying directly to the judicial or administrative authorities of a contracting state, whether or not under the provisions of the Convention.

The court where the complaint is lodged must decide the case in accordance with the Convention only as to determining wrongful removal or retention, not the underlying custody issue. The Court will then order the return of the child unless an exception under The Hague applies. It is the exceptions that have produced judicial interpretations as to how they should be interpreted or decided pursuant to The Hague and ICARA. The exceptions are as follows: more than one year has passed and the child has become "settled";[170] the person, institution or other body having the care of the person of the child was not actually exercising the custody rights at the time of removal or retention, or had consented to or subsequently acquiesced in the removal or retention; there is grave risk that their return would expose the child to physical or psychological harm or otherwise place the child in an intolerable situation;[171] The Hague ceases to apply to a child who has attained the age of eighteen;[172] and the child objects to being returned and has attained an age and degree of maturity to make this decision.[173] It is terms such as "settled", "grave risk" and "continual exercise of rights" that have demanded judicial explanation in determining whether the child was wrongfully removed or retained. Generally, The Hague Article 12 and ICARA, 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11601(a)(4), provide that a child that has been wrongfully removed or retained must be returned to the habitual residence of the child unless an exception applies; it is also required that proceedings be brought within one year of the removal, and a court in analyzing this provision must first determine the "habitual residence" and then determine if any of the exceptions apply.[174]

Neither The Hague nor ICARA defines "habitual residence". Case law varies as to how it determines "habitual residence" after it considers all of the facts. In the case of Slagenweit v. Slagenweit, it was held that to establish "habitual residence" there must be a degree of settled purpose.[175] "That is not to say the propositus intends to stay where he is indefinitely. Indeed his purpose while settled may be for a limited period. Education, business, profession, employment, health, family or merely love of the place spring to mind as common reasons for choice of regular abode . . . ."[176] All that is necessary is that the purpose can be described as "settled." [177] In Ponath v. Ponath, the German father and American mother lived first in Utah; however, they subsequently moved to Germany where the father found employment and began construction of a house.[178] After a short time, the mother wanted to return to the United States.[179] Though the husband resisted, the mother and minor child returned to Utah eleven months later; six months later, the husband brought a Hague petition in the Utah District Court to have the child returned to Germany.[180] The court refused to order his return, holding that Utah and not Germany was the state of habitual residence, and it found that the wife's continued residence in Germany was "coerced," negating the possibility of finding that the extended visit in Germany had matured into a "settled" residence.[181] Although it is the habitual residence of the child that is relevant, the court held that it could not ignore the desires and actions of the parents.[182] In the court's view, the concept of habitual residence must entail some element of voluntariness determined plan.[183]

The Ponath case may reflect a tendency on the part of courts to introduce false notions into determinations of habitual residence. However, in Friedrich v. Friedrich, the lower court was reversed for its finding that an American service woman who had been forced by her husband from her off-base military housing in Germany onto an American military base had as a result established a habitual residence in the United States; the Sixth Circuit distinguished habitual residence from the technical concept of domicile, and it additionally stressed that habitual residence of a child is not determined by the care or protection of a particular parent.[184]

Habitual residence also unfolds as the critical issues in the context of dual removals or abductions. In Meredith v. Meredith, the family lived in Arizona; the mother took the child on a visit to France and did not return.[185] The father later located the child in England and brought the child back to Arizona.[186] The mother's Hague petition in Arizona to return the child to England was denied on the ground that Arizona, not France or England, was the child's habitual residence.[187] But a different outcome occurred in Levesque v. Levesque, where a couple living in Germany had joint custody of their daughter under a separation agreement.[188] The couple reconciled for a short period in the United States, but the mother later returned to Germany with the child.[189] The father then abducted the child to Kansas.[190] In a Convention action for return brought by the mother, the father argued that the case was like Meredith and that Kansas was the child's habitual residence.[191] The court rejected the father's contention, holding that the parties had agreed that the mother could return to Germany for a sufficiently "settled" time and that this agreement justified a finding that Germany was the habitual residence.[192]

For lawyers, advising clients how to proceed in these cases can be difficult. In Meredith, for example, a father, who abducted a child to the United States, was successful in resisting return because earlier the mother had wrongfully taken the child from its habitual residence in the United States. Thus, in Meredith, the Convention did nothing to deter the abduction by the father and in fact may have encouraged a self-help remedy. The appropriate course of action for the father would have been to commence his own Hague proceeding in England to request the return of the child to the United States. If the Convention works effectively, the English court should order the return. But because there is the potential for conflicting interpretations about where the habitual residence is, various courts may resolve the factual issue differently. Thus, the father in Meredith may have perceived that he had a better chance of prevailing in the courts of the United States than in the courts of England.[193]

At the same time, a decision to participate in a custody proceeding in the State where the child has been taken rather than bringing a Hague petition may be unwise. In two such cases, courts' decisions on habitual residence have been influenced by such subsequent events. In Sheikh v. Cahill, the child was born in the United States to a Pakistani father and Irish mother.[194] Following an abduction by the father and re-abduction by the mother, a New York court, as part of an uncontested divorce, entered a joint custody order providing that the child was to reside with the mother and the father's visitation was to be supervised.[195] The mother subsequently took the child to England without the father's consent, and when the father finally located them, he brought a ward-ship proceeding in England.[196] The child was made a ward of the court; care and control was granted to the mother; and extended visitation in the United States was given to the father.[197] When the father failed to return the child at the end of the visitation period in the United States, the mother filed a Hague petition in New York and the father counter-claimed for custody.[198] The father's position was that the mother herself had violated the initial New York decree.[199] In deciding for the mother and ordering return the court noted that the father had failed to file his own Hague petition in the English courts and instead had submitted to English jurisdiction with his wardship action.[200] In effect, the New York court regarded the English custody order as determinative of the custody rights of the parties and that England, in these circumstances, was the child's habitual residence.[201] After "habitual residence" is determined, it must be ascertained if the child was wrongfully removed or retained and whether the exceptions apply.

If proceedings are brought within a year and the child was wrongfully retained, the child must be returned. If a year has passed, and it is shown that the child is settled in their new environment, the Court has discretion whether to order the return. Again, cases that discuss the "settled in its new environments" approach vary depending on the particular facts; therefore, this is another gray area that must be considered.[202] In the case of, In re Marriage of Collopy, a court refused to order the return of a twenty-month old child to England because the child had been in Colorado from the time she was two-months old.[203] On the other hand, a United Kingdom court denied a ten-year-old child's objection to returning to his father in United Kingdom because it was a product of undue influence, and thus would be afforded no weight in the proceedings. The Court acknowledged that the child's attorney suggested "a few ideas" such as "I like it here" and "I'm settled in." The court noted that the child used the term, "settled," which was the most significant legal term of the dispute and was not the language of a ten-year-old.[204] In Wojcik v. Wojcik, the court held that there was no equitable reason to preclude application of "settled in their environment" exception to return of wrongfully retained children to French father pursuant to Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction.[205] The Court's rationale was that the mother did not hide the children and in fact called the father the first day of wrongful retention and told the father the location of the children.[206]

The defenses under the Convention are limited, but they do allow for return to be avoided in the case of "acquiescence," "grave harm," creation of an "intolerable situation," or a violation of "fundamental human rights." Note that the court retains discretion to order return even if one of the defenses is applicable. The first part of this analysis requires that the court consider whether the failure to exercise custody rights occurred. A party must exercise rights of custody for there to be a wrongful removal or retention. The second part of the analysis pursuant to The Hague Article 13(a) provides that if a parent consents to or subsequently acquiesces to the removal or retention, no violation should be found. The validity of this defense often turns on competing versions of whether the departing parent left with or without consent. In other situations, courts have found acquiescence in the behavior of a party after the removal or retention.[207]

The U.S. Courts require more than certain comments or letters to establish the defense of "acquiescence". For example, in Friedrich v. Friedrich, the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals held that alleged comments made by the father "that he was not seeking custody of the child" was not a defense to the mother's wrongful retention of the child. The Court held that these comments alone were insufficient evidence for the court to conclude that there was acquiescence to the taking of the child.[208] In Wanniger v. Wanniger, the Court refused to construe a father's personal letters to the wife and a priest as sufficient evidence that he consistently attempted to keep in contact with the child.[209] Also, in a number of cases the left-behind parent has tried to negotiate custodial arrangements with the parent who has taken the child, triggering an acquiescence defense. Although the factual patterns can be quite different and unique circumstances may justify an acquiescence defense, as a general rule courts should be careful not to translate negotiation into acquiescence, as this might encourage litigation at the expense of a more amicable resolution.[210] The second defense provided by The Hague in Article 13b is "a grave risk of physical or psychological harm or otherwise place the child in an intolerable situation". This exception has been viewed to have the potential to undercut the ultimate summary return objective of the Convention by opening the door to a full merit inquiry. For this reason, this provision was the subject of much debate and negotiations during the Convention deliberations. Attempts to widen this exception were resisted under a general best interest exception; therefore, courts have construed this provision very narrowly.[211]

In Freier v. Freier, the mother maintained that, if the child were forced to return to Israel, the child would suffer psychological harm and that "unrest in Israel near family's residence presented a grave risk of physical harm."[212] The Michigan Court held that the mother did not establish an affirmative defense by clear and convincing evidence and ordered return of the minor child to Israel.[213] The Court's rationale was that, although mother presented evidence that Israel was experiencing political and religious unrest, she did not provide sufficient evidence for the Court to make a finding that the family's residence was located in a war zone.[214]

The case of Tahan v. Duquette[215] provided the courts with helpful parameters for defining the "grave risk of harm" exception. In this case, a New Jersey decree gave the father and Canadian mother alternating custody of the child; however, mother refused to return the child after the first visit and a full custody hearing was eventually held.[216] The court then awarded the mother custody of the child and the father was awarded visitation.[217] When father failed to return the child following visitation in New Jersey, mother successfully brought a Hague petition in Canada.[218] On appeal after remand to the trial court, testimony of four experts was offered regarding the possible harmful effects that would result from returning the child to Canada. However, the trial court rejected this testimony, holding that psychological profiles and detailed evaluations of parental fitness and lifestyles were inappropriate avenues of exploration on return petitions.[219] The Court of Appeals rejected the trial court's reasoning, but it excluded consideration of the expert's testimony on other grounds.[220] The court focused instead on whether a realistic basis existed for apprehension about the child's well-being as indicated by an evaluation "the surroundings to which the child is to be sent and the basic personal qualities of those located there."[221]

Judicial Circuitous Contretemps:

First Circuit vs. Second Circuit

The First and Second Circuit Courts of Appeals have put much effort into interpreting The Hague Convention and ICARA. These Circuits have focused on the interpretation of the Covenant's effect and on deciphering what constitutes a grave risk of psychological harm. The threshold determination is to ascertain the child's habitual residence at the time of the removal.[222]

The Second Circuit in Diorinou v. Mezitis,[223] held that the decisions of Greek courts were not entitled to full faith and credit under the Convention but were entitled to deference under principles of international comity. In an ICARA suit "a United States District Court has the authority to determine the merits of the underlying custody claim." [224] "The abduction claim is limited, initially, to a determination of whether the defendant has 'wrongfully removed or retained' the child; on this issue the plaintiff bears the burden of proof." [225] The Convention contemplates that a person exercising custody rights over a child will use the remedies of the Convention and ICARA to redress the wrongful removal or retention of the child. In Diorinou, when the father believed that the children had been wrongfully retained, he caused a Hague petition to be filed on his behalf in Greece. Diorinou then filed a Hague petition to return the children to Greece, challenging the alleged wrongful removal of the children by Mezitis from Greece to New York in October 2000. In making its decision, the district court began its analysis by first determining the issue of the children's habitual residence at the time Mezitis removed the children from Greece to New York.[226] The district court reasoned that while the children lived in Greece with their mother for the last five years, where they attended school, established relationships, and received medical treatment, Greece would still not be the children's habitual residence if their removal to Greece was wrongful.[227] In an ICARA proceeding, once the petitioner establishes that the removal or retention was wrongful, the respondent must return the child unless the respondent can prove at least one of the following defenses: "(1) ICARA proceedings were not commenced within one year of the child's abduction; (2) petitioner was not actually exercising custody rights at the time of removal or retention; (3) there is a grave risk that return would expose child to physical or psychological harm or otherwise place the child in an intolerable situation; or (4) return of child would not be permitted by fundamental principles relating to protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms."[228] These exceptions are to be construed narrowly.[229] But, a court is not bound to order the child's return if it is established that the petitioner "consented to and subsequently acquiesced" in the child's removal or retention.[230] However, "[n]either the Convention nor ICARA define the terms 'consent' or 'acquiescence'; and there is no guidance in the legislative history."[231]

In a case of first impression, the Second Circuit Court of Appeals in Croll v. Croll held that rights of access are not rights of custody enforceable by a return remedy under the Hague Convention, even when coupled with a ne exeat clause.[232] This type of clause "does not transmute access rights into rights of custody under the convention. Ne exeat or not, Mr. Croll's rights include none of the powers (or burdens) of a custodial parent, and therefore are properly classified as rights of access." [233] The power to determine a child's place of residence, in the context of a definition of custody rights, is an example of the powers entailed by the care of a child, while a ne exeat clause confers only a veto, a power in reserve, which gives the non-custodial parent no say (except by leverage) about child-rearing issues other than the child's geographical location in the broadest sense.[234]

In Whallon v. Lynn, the First Circuit Court of Appeals looked at grave risk and acquiescence as factors in establishing habitual residence.[235] Whallon involved unmarried parents who had not entered into a formal paternity and/or custody agreement regarding their daughter prior to the child's removal to the United States by mother.[236] The Court, however, found that under Mexican law, the father of the minor child exercised custody rights over the child and not a mere right of visitation; therefore, any removal by the mother from Mexico to the United States that violated father's right to custody was wrongful under the Hague Convention.[237]

The child's return to Mexico would not subject child to grave risk of physical or psychological harm or an otherwise intolerable situation, notwithstanding alleged instances of verbal and physical abuse committed by father, who resided in Mexico, as none of the abusive conduct was directed at child.[238] Allegations that father physically and verbally abused mother did not rise to the level of abuse presented in Walsh.[239] In fact, mother did not allege that father's abusive conduct was ever directed at their minor child, and the parties' expert witnesses both agreed that father and daughter love each other dearly.[240] Because mother failed to meet her burden of proving that returning minor child to Mexico would subject her to a grave risk of physical or psychological harm, the court ordered the child's return to Mexico.[241] To meet the burden under the article 13(b) exception, respondent must establish that the alleged physical or psychological abuse was "a great deal more than minimal."[242] The harm must be "something greater than would normally be expected on taking a child away from one parent...to another." [243] It is not the court's job to either engage in a custody determination or speculate who would be the better parent in the long run.[244] Father's failure to file for custody does not constitute acquiesce, in light of father's significant involvement in the child's live and his prompt action in seeking return of his daughter to Mexico.[245]

The First Circuit in Walsh v. Walsh,[246] determined that the wife made a showing that return of children to Ireland would expose them to a grave risk of physical or psychological harm, as would bar their return under Hague Convention. The Irish husband was not barred by the fugitive entitlement doctrine from bringing a Hague petition for the return of children who had been brought to the United States by his estranged wife. [247] The wrongful taking of a child from the country of habitual residence does not require the child's return because there was a grave risk that the child's return would expose them to physical or psychological harm, or would otherwise place the child in an intolerable situation.[248] The husband had a long history of spousal abuse, of physically and verbally abusing others including a fight with one of his adult sons, and had shown a chronic disobedience of court orders.[249] The grave risk does not have to be "immediate" for the exception to apply.[250] However, it must be a great deal more than minimal, and not any harm it will do, nor the level of risk of harm be low.[251] In short, the Walsh court recognized spousal abuse as a possible grave risk of harm.[252] Under ICARA, it may not pose a grave risk of harm to return child to the country of habitual residence if the potential risks attendant upon a child's return are lessened or eliminated by the trustworthy undertakings of the parties.[253] However, in Walsh, any safeguards implemented by husband, or even a court order, were not sufficient to mitigate the possible grave risk of harm that the children would be exposed to physical or psychological harm if they were returned, and thus return of children under the Hague Convention was improper.[254] "The husband had repeatedly violated court orders in both United States and Ireland, and there was every reason to believe that he would violate undertakings, or any future orders of the Irish courts".[255]

The First Circuit Court of Appeals in Danaipour v. McLarey, held that the District Court erred by ruling that the children should be returned without first determining whether sexual abuse occurred.[256] It also erred by ruling that a forensic sexual abuse evaluation could be properly done in Sweden. The party opposing return of children who have been wrongfully removed from their country of habitual residence because of a grave risk that return would expose a child to physical or psychological harm or otherwise place the child in an intolerable situation bears the burden of establishing that exception by clear and convincing evidence.[257] The Hague Convention establishes a strong presumption favoring return of a wrongfully removed child; exceptions to general rule of expedient return are to be construed narrowly.[258] The grave risk defense may not be used as a vehicle to litigate or relitigate the child's best interests.[259] Even if grave risk conditions are met, the court still has discretion to return the child to the country of habitual residence.[260] A parent's sexual abuse, including abuse other than rape, is an "intolerable situation" for purpose of the grave risk defense to the expedient return from their country of habitual residence under the Hague Convention.[261] Penetration is not a prerequisite to a finding of sexual abuse posing a grave risk of harm to the child.[262] A finding that a child is currently not experiencing severe psychological effects of sexual abuse is not necessarily dispositive, for purposes of grave risk defense.[263]

In Danaipour, the father brought an action for return of his children to Sweden under the Hague Convention, and he was challenged by mother pursuant to grave risk defense.[264] The district court erred by ruling that a forsenic sexual abuse evaluation could be properly done in Sweden; even if Swedish procedures were adequate, it was still questionable whether the effect of children's return would undermine any examination's validity since the children would more likely not talk to those charged with determining the existence of abuse.[265] The district court did not have the authority to order a forensic sexual abuse evaluation in Sweden or to order the Swedish courts to adjudicate the implications of the evaluation for the custody dispute, and thus the undertakings that required such actions were invalid, because such orders offended notions of international comity and were inadequate to protect the children.[266]

The series of cases under the rubric of Blondin v. Dubois, has given the Second Circuit the opportunity to set the parameters of the debate on what constitutes "grave risk." The last pronouncement is the so-called Blondin IV, which was decided on January 4, 2001. The Court of Appeals held that the children would suffer the recurrence of acute, severe traumatic stress disorder if repatriated to France, the site of their alleged abuse prior to being abducted by mother, was not clearly erroneous; and that the likelihood of recurrence of post-traumatic stress disorder qualified as "grave risk of psychological harm," sufficient to support the decision to not repatriate.[267] The question in short can be summarized as: Does Blondin IV close (or narrow) the Article 13(b) "loophole"? The District Court in Blondin III denied repatriation because of serious abuse and the resulting harm that the children would suffer on returning to France.[268] The District Court also found, that the French could not provide the children with the necessary protection.[269] The French authorities were willing and able to make whatever arrangements and accommodations necessary to facilitate repatriation. However, they could not provide this protection since doing so would "require them to fulfill the impossible task of ensuring that a return to France would not trigger a recurrence of traumatic stress disorder in the children." [270]

In Blondin II, the Second Circuit held that a court could return a child to their habitual residence even if there was a grave risk of harm, as long as provisions were in place to protect the child from that risk.[271] Blondin IV reversed holding essentially that although the court must first examine the full range of options that might make possible the child's safe return to the home country, in this particular case, it would be impossible to assure the children's protection.[272] That is, in Blondin IV, a domestic violence victim successfully invoked Article 13(b).

Conclusion

The Hague Convention seeks to provide a remedy for international child abductions and to restore the "factual" status quo which is unilaterally altered when a parent abducts a child.[273] The United States ratified the Convention in 1986 and became a contracting state in 1988 through the federal implementing statute ICARA. ICARA confers concurrent original jurisdiction in state and federal courts over actions arising under the Convention.[274] Jurisdiction is granted only as to the merits of the abduction claim; the statute does not grant jurisdiction to decide the underlying custody dispute.[275] Under the Convention, each country has a Central Authority which is responsible for discharging the duties imposed by the Convention and operating with the Central Authorities of other countries to secure the return of children.[276]

In determining whether there has been a wrongful removal or retention, the court may take jurisdiction notice of the law and judicial decisions "in the State of the habitual residence of the child, without recourse to the specific procedures for the proof of that law or for the recognition of foreign decisions which would otherwise be applicable." [277] To obtain a remedy under the Convention, a petitioner must show by a preponderance of the evidence that the child has been wrongfully removed within the meaning of the Convention.[278] The application, together with the documents or any other information appended to the application or provided by the Central Authority, is admissible in the courts of the contracting states.[279] Once petitioner has established these requisite elements, the party opposing the return of the child has an opportunity to raise various defenses; including acquiescence and grave risk. Article 20 further permits a court to refuse to return the child "if this would not be permitted by the fundamental principles of the requested State relating to the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms."[280] The party opposing return of the child must establish the defenses in Article 13b and Article 20 by clear and convincing evidence.[281] Any other defense in Article 13 must be established by a preponderance of the evidence.[282] The person opposing the return of the child may also attempt to show by a preponderance of the evidence that the proceeding was not initiated within one year of the wrongful removal or retention and that the child has settled in his or her new environment.[283] Even if the proceedings were commenced after the expiration of one year, the court shall order the return of the child unless a party demonstrates that the child is now settled in its new environment.[284] If the person opposing the return of the child does not establish one of these defenses, the return of the child is mandatory.[285] "Once a plaintiff establishes that removal was wrongful, the child must be returned unless the defendant can establish one of the four defenses." [286] However, "[t]he provisions of this Chapter do not limit the power of a judicial or administrative authority to order the return of the child at any time";[287] thus, even if a party proves one of the available defenses, the return of the child is a matter of judicial discretion.[288] Further, the courts have construed these defenses narrowly.[289]

According to Professor Weiner, the apparent "victory" of Blondin IV was at best Phyrric. Although the 13(b) "loophole" was "closed" and now children who were in harm's way would not have to be mechanically returned to the place of grave risk, Blondin IV was problematic. "It makes Hague Convention proceedings much more like custody contests, something courts have been uniformly resisting. Blondin IV dramatically widens the Article 13(b) defense, makes expert testimony a virtual necessity whenever the defense is raised, and undermines the potential usefulness of undertaking."[290] The Hague Convention grants jurisdiction only to the merits of the abduction claim and not to the merits of the underlying custody dispute. Blondin IV although a victory, is a hollow one since it essentially encourages a backdoor custody evaluation on the question of grave risk even though this appears to contradict the Convention's objective of ensuring that custody rights under the law of each contracting state are respected by other states.[291]

Perhaps, the appropriate model would be to avoid the expansion of the Convention's objectives by remanding the case to the court of appropriate authority for resolution of any underlying custody issue. That is, if there is a material dispute as to whether a grave risk of harm exists, then the petitioner should be required to first exhaust remedies before a court of appropriate jurisdiction as a prerequisite to seeking the remedies available from the Convention. Once a petitioner has obtained judgment on the custody issue, the court should give full faith and credit and/or comity to the appropriate legal determinations. This would prevent a court an ill-equipped court from handling matters pertaining to custody and would promote efficiency. Allowing a court with the appropriate expertise to evaluate custody issues could possibly prevent a child being placed in a situation that could be detrimental to their health and safety, which is a fundamental concern of International Conventions focusing on human rights. This would be consistent with Article 13, which provides: "Notwithstanding the provisions of the preceding Article, the judicial or administrative authority of the requested State is not bound to order the return of the child if the person, institution or other body which opposes its return establishes that . . . there is a grave risk that his or her return would expose the child to physical or psychological harm or otherwise place the child in an intolerable situation."[292]


Appendix 1

Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, October 25, 1980

Chapter I Scope of the Convention

Article 1 – "The objects of the present Convention are -- a) to secure the prompt return of children wrongfully removed to or retained in any Contracting State; and b) to ensure that rights of custody and of access under the law of one Contracting State are effectively respected in the other Contracting States."

Article 2 – "Contracting States shall take all appropriate measures to secure within their territories the implementation of the objects of the Convention. For this purpose they shall use the most expeditious."

Article 3 – "The removal or the retention of a child is to be considered wrongful where -- a) it is in breach of rights of custody attributed to a person, an institution or any other body, either jointly or alone, under the law of the State in which the child was habitually resident immediately before the removal or retention; and b) at the time of removal or retention those rights were actually exercised, either jointly or alone, or would have been so exercised but for the removal or retention. The rights of custody mentioned in sub-paragraph a above, may arise in particular by operation of law or by reason of judicial or administrative decision, or by reason of an agreement having legal effect under the law of that State."

Article 4- "The Convention shall apply to any child who was habitually resident in a Contracting State immediately before any breach of custody or access rights. The Convention shall cease to apply when the child attains of age of 16 years."

Article 5- "For the purposes of this Convention -- a 'rights of custody' shall include rights relating to the care of the person of the child and, in particular, the right to determine the child's place of residence; b 'right of access' shall include the right to take a child for a limited period of time to a place other than the child's habitual residence."

Chapter II Central Authorities

Article 6 – "A Contracting State shall designate a Central Authority to discharge the duties which are imposed by the Convention upon such authorities. Federal States, States with more than one system of law or States having autonomous territorial organizations shall be free to appoint more than one Central Authority and to specify the territorial extent of their powers. Where a State has appointed more than one Central Authority to which applications may be addressed for transmission to the appropriate Central Authority within the State."

Article 7 – "Central Authorities shall co-operate with each other and promote co-operation amongst the competent authorities in their respective States to secure the prompt return of children and to achieve the other objects of this Convention. In particular, either directly or through any intermediary, they shall take all appropriate measures -- a) to discover the whereabouts of a child who has been wrongfully removed or retained; b) to prevent further harm to the child or prejudice to interested parties by taking or causing to be taken provisional measures; c) to secure the voluntary return of the child or to bring about an amicable resolution of the issues; d) to exchange, where desirable, information relating to the social background of the child; e) to provide information of a general character as to the law of their State in connection with the application of the Convention; f) to initiate or facilitate the institution of judicial or administrative proceedings with a view to obtaining the return of the child and, in a proper case, to make arrangements for organizing or securing the effective exercise of rights of access; g) where the circumstances so require, to provide or facilitate the provision of legal aid and advice, including the participation of legal counsel and advisers; h) to provide such administrative arrangements as may be necessary and appropriate to secure the safe return of the child; i) to keep each other informed with respect to the operation of this Convention and, as far as possible, to eliminate any obstacles to its application."

Chapter III Return of Children

Article 8 – "Any person, institution or other body claiming that a child has been removed or retained in breach of custody rights may apply either to the Central Authority of the Child's habitual residence or to the Central Authority of any other Contracting State for assistance in securing the return of the child."

Article 9 - "If the Central Authority which receives an application referred to in Article 8 has reason to believe that the child is in another Contracting State, it shall directly and without delay transmit the application to the Central Authority of that Contracting State and inform the requesting Central Authority, or the applicant, as the case may be."

Article 10 – "The Central Authority of the State where the child is shall take or cause to be taken all appropriate measures in order to obtain the voluntary return of the child."

Article 11 – "The judicial or administrative authorities of Contracting States shall act expeditiously in proceedings for the return of children. If the judicial or administrative authority concerned has not reached a decision within a six weeks from the date of commencement of the proceedings, the applicant or the Central Authority of the requested State, on its own initiative or if asked by the Central Authority of the requesting State, shall have the right to request a statement of the reasons for the delay. If a reply is received by the Central Authority of the requested States, the Authority shall transmit the reply to the Central Authority of the requesting State, or to the applicant, as the case may be."

Article 12 – "Where a child has been wrongfully removed or retained in terms of Article 3 and, at the date of the commencement of the proceedings before the judicial or administrative authority of the Contracting State where the child is, a period of less than one year has elapsed from the date of the wrongful removal or retention, the authority concerned shall order the return of the child forthwith. The judicial or administrative authority, even where the proceedings have been commenced after the expiration of the period of one year referred to in the preceding paragraph, shall also order the return of the child, unless it is demonstrated that the child is now settled in its new environment. Where the judicial or administrative authority in the requested State has reason to believe that the child has been taken to another State, it may stay the proceedings or dismiss the application for the return of the child."

Article 13 – "Notwithstanding the provisions of the proceeding Article, the judicial or administrative authority of the requested State is not bound to order the return of the child if the person, institution or other body which opposes its return establishes that a) the person, institution or other body having the care of the person of the child was not actually exercising the custody rights at the time of removal or retention, or had consented to or subsequently acquiesced in the removal or retention; or b) there is a grave risk that his or her return would expose the child to physical or psychological harm or otherwise place the child in an intolerable situation. The judicial or administrative authority may also refuse to order the return of the child if it finds that the child objects to being returned and has attained the age and degree of maturity at which it is appropriate to take account of its views. In considering the circumstances referred to in this Article, the judicial and administrative authorities shall take into account the information relating to the social background of the child provided by the Central Authority or other competent authority of the child's habitual residence."

Article 14 – "In ascertaining whether there has been a wrongful removal or retention within the meaning of Article 3, the judicial or administrative authorities of the requested State may take notice directly of the law of, and of judicial or administrative decisions, formally recognized or not in the State of the habitual residence of the child, without recourse to the specific procedures for the proof of that law or for the recognition of foreign decisions which would otherwise be applicable."

Article 15 – "The judicial or administrative authorities of a Contracting State may, prior to the making of an order for the return of the child, request that the applicant obtain from the authorities of the State of the habitual residence of the child a decision or other determination that the removal or retention was wrongful within the meaning of Article 3 of the Convention, where such a decision or determination may be obtained in that State. The Central Authorities of the Contracting States shall so far as practicable assist applicants to obtain such a decision or determination."

Article 16 – "After receiving notice of a wrongful removal or retention of a child in the sense of Article 3, the judicial or administrative authorities of the Contracting State to which the child has been removed or in which it has been retained shall not decide on the merits of rights of custody until it has been determined that the child is not to be returned under this Convention is not lodged within a reasonable time following receipt of the notice."

Article 17 – "The sole fact that a decision relating to custody had been given in or is entitled to recognition in the requested State shall not be a ground for refusing to return a child under this Convention, but the judicial or administrative authorities of the requested State may take account of the reasons for that decision in applying this Convention."

Article 18- "The provisions of this Chapter do not limit the power of a judicial or administrative authority to order the return of the child at any time."

Article 19 – "A decision under this Convention concerning the return of the child shall not to be taken to be a determination on the merits of any custody issue."

Article 20 – "The return of the child under the provisions of Article 12 may be refused if this would not be permitted by the fundamental principles of the requested State relating to the principles of the requested State relating to the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms."

Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction (opened for signature Oct, 25, 1980, entered into force for United States on July 1, 1988) T.I.A.S. No. 11 670.


Appendix 2

INTERNATIONAL CHILD ABDUCTION REMEDIES (ICARA)

42 U.S.C. ¤ 11601 et seq.

11601. Findings and declarations.

(a) Findings.

(b) Declarations.

11602. Definitions.

11603. Judicial remedies.

(a) Jurisdiction of courts.

(b) Petitions.

(c) Notice.

(d) Determination of case.

(e) Burdens of proof.

(f) Application of Convention.

(g) Full faith and credit.

(h) Remedies under Convention not exclusive.

11604. Provisional remedies.

(a) Authority of courts.

(b) Limitation on authority.

11605. Admissibility of documents.

11606. United States Central Authority.

(a) Designation.

(b) Functions.

(c) Regulatory authority.

(d) Obtaining information from Parent Locator Service.

11607. Costs and fees.

(a) Administrative costs.

(b) Costs incurred in civil actions.

11608. Collection, maintenance, and dissemination of information.

(a) In general.

(b) Requests for information.

(c) Responsibility of government entities.

(d) Information available from Parent Locator Service.

(e) Recordkeeping.

11609. Interagency coordinating group.

11610. Authorization of appropriations.

Sec. 11601. Findings and declarations

(a) Findings

The Congress makes the following findings:

(1) The international abduction or wrongful retention of children is harmful to their well-being.

(2) Persons should not be permitted to obtain custody of children by virtue of their wrongful removal or retention.

(3) International abductions and retentions of children are increasing, and only concerted cooperation pursuant to an international agreement can effectively combat this problem.

(4) The Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, done at The Hague on October 25, 1980, establishes legal rights and procedures for the prompt return of children who have been wrongfully removed or retained, as well as for securing the exercise of visitation rights. Children who are wrongfully removed or retained within the meaning of the Convention are to be promptly returned unless one of the narrow exceptions set forth in the Convention applies. The Convention provides a sound treaty framework to help resolve the problem of international abduction and retention of children and will deter such wrongful removals and retentions.

(b) Declarations

The Congress makes the following declarations:

(1) It is the purpose of this chapter to establish procedures for the implementation of the Convention in the United States.

(2) The provisions of this chapter are in addition to and not in lieu of the provisions of the Convention.

(3) In enacting this chapter the Congress recognizes -

(A) the international character of the Convention; and

(B) the need for uniform international interpretation of the Convention.

(4) The Convention and this chapter empower courts in the United States to determine only rights under the Convention and not the merits of any underlying child custody claims.

REFERENCES IN TEXT

This chapter, referred to in subsec. (b), was in the original ''this Act'' meaning Pub. L. 100-300, Apr. 29, 1988, 102 Stat. 437, which is classified principally to this chapter. For complete classification of this Act to the Code, see Short Title note below and Tables.

SHORT TITLE

Section 1 of Pub. L. 100-300 provided that: ''This Act (enacting this chapter and amending section 663 of this title) may be cited as the 'International Child Abduction Remedies Act'.''

Sec. 11602. Definitions

For the purposes of this chapter -

(1) the term ''applicant'' means any person who, pursuant to the Convention, files an application with the United States Central Authority or a Central Authority of any other party to the Convention for the return of a child alleged to have been wrongfully removed or retained or for arrangements for organizing or securing the effective exercise of rights of access pursuant to the Convention;

(2) the term ''Convention'' means the Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, done at The Hague on October 25, 1980;

(3) the term ''Parent Locator Service'' means the service established by the Secretary of Health and Human Services under section 653 of this title;

(4) the term ''petitioner'' means any person who, in accordance with this chapter, files a petition in court seeking relief under the Convention;

(5) the term ''person'' includes any individual, institution, or other legal entity or body;

(6) the term ''respondent'' means any person against whose interests a petition is filed in court, in accordance with this chapter, which seeks relief under the Convention;

(7) the term ''rights of access'' means visitation rights;

(8) the term ''State'' means any of the several States, the District of Columbia, and any commonwealth, territory, or possession of the United States; and

(9) the term ''United States Central Authority'' means the agency of the Federal Government designated by the President under section 11606(a) of this title.

Sec. 11603. Judicial remedies

(a) Jurisdiction of courts

The courts of the States and the United States district courts shall have concurrent original jurisdiction of actions arising under the Convention.

(b) Petitions

Any person seeking to initiate judicial proceedings under the Convention for the return of a child or for arrangements for organizing or securing the effective exercise of rights of access to a child may do so by commencing a civil action by filing a petition for the relief sought in any court which has jurisdiction of such action and which is authorized to exercise its jurisdiction in the place where the child is located at the time the petition is filed.

(c) Notice

Notice of an action brought under subsection (b) of this section shall be given in accordance with the applicable law governing notice in interstate child custody proceedings.

(d) Determination of case

The court in which an action is brought under subsection (b) of this section shall decide the case in accordance with the Convention.

(e) Burdens of proof

(1) A petitioner in an action brought under subsection (b) of this section shall establish by a preponderance of the evidence -

(A) in the case of an action for the return of a child, that the child has been wrongfully removed or retained within the meaning of the Convention; and

(B) in the case of an action for arrangements for organizing or securing the effective exercise of rights of access, that the petitioner has such rights.

(2) In the case of an action for the return of a child, a respondent who opposes the return of the child has the burden of establishing -

(A) by clear and convincing evidence that one of the exceptions set forth in article 13b or 20 of the Convention applies; and

(B) by a preponderance of the evidence that any other exception set forth in article 12 or 13 of the Convention applies.

(f) Application of Convention

For purposes of any action brought under this chapter -

(1) the term ''authorities'', as used in article 15 of the Convention to refer to the authorities of the state of the habitual residence of a child, includes courts and appropriate government agencies;

(2) the terms ''wrongful removal or retention'' and ''wrongfully removed or retained'', as used in the Convention, include a removal or retention of a child before the entry of a custody order regarding that child; and

(3) the term ''commencement of proceedings'', as used in article 12 of the Convention, means, with respect to the return of a child located in the United States, the filing of a petition in accordance with subsection (b) of this section.

(g) Full faith and credit

Full faith and credit shall be accorded by the courts of the States and the courts of the United States to the judgment of any other such court ordering or denying the return of a child, pursuant to the Convention, in an action brought under this chapter.

(h) Remedies under Convention not exclusive

The remedies established by the Convention and this chapter shall be in addition to remedies available under other laws or international agreements.

Sec. 11604. Provisional remedies

(a) Authority of courts

In furtherance of the objectives of article 7(b) and other provisions of the Convention, and subject to the provisions of subsection (b) of this section, any court exercising jurisdiction of an action brought under section 11603(b) of this title may take or cause to be taken measures under Federal or State law, as appropriate, to protect the well-being of the child involved or to prevent the child's further removal or concealment before the final disposition of the petition.

(b) Limitation on authority

No court exercising jurisdiction of an action brought under section 11603(b) of this title may, under subsection (a) of this section, order a child removed from a person having physical control of the child unless the applicable requirements of State law are satisfied.

Sec. 11605. Admissibility of documents

With respect to any application to the United States Central Authority, or any petition to a court under section 11603 of this title, which seeks relief under the Convention, or any other documents or information included with such application or petition or provided after such submission which relates to the application or petition, as the case may be, no authentication of such application, petition, document, or information shall be required in order for the application, petition, document, or information to be admissible in court.

Sec. 11606. United States Central Authority

(a) Designation

The President shall designate a Federal agency to serve as the Central Authority for the United States under the Convention.

(b) Functions

The functions of the United States Central Authority are those ascribed to the Central Authority by the Convention and this chapter.

(c) Regulatory authority

The United States Central Authority is authorized to issue such regulations as may be necessary to carry out its functions under the Convention and this chapter.

(d) Obtaining information from Parent Locator Service

The United States Central Authority may, to the extent authorized by the Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 301 et seq.), obtain information from the Parent Locator Service.

Sec. 11607. Costs and fees

(a) Administrative costs

No department, agency, or instrumentality of the Federal Government or of any State or local government may impose on an applicant any fee in relation to the administrative processing of applications submitted under the Convention.

(b) Costs incurred in civil actions

(1) Petitioners may be required to bear the costs of legal counsel or advisors, court costs incurred in connection with their petitions, and travel costs for the return of the child involved and any accompanying persons, except as provided in paragraphs (2) and (3).

(2) Subject to paragraph (3), legal fees or court costs incurred in connection with an action brought under section 11603 of this title shall be borne by the petitioner unless they are covered by payments from Federal, State, or local legal assistance or other programs.

(3) Any court ordering the return of a child pursuant to an action brought under section 11603 of this title shall order the respondent to pay necessary expenses incurred by or on behalf of the petitioner, including court costs, legal fees, foster home or other care during the course of proceedings in the action, and transportation costs related to the return of the child, unless the respondent establishes that such order would be clearly inappropriate.

Sec. 11608. Collection, maintenance, and dissemination of information

(a) In general

In performing its functions under the Convention, the United States Central Authority may, under such conditions as the Central Authority prescribes by regulation, but subject to subsection (c) of this section, receive from or transmit to any department, agency, or instrumentality of the Federal Government or of any State or foreign government, and receive from or transmit to any applicant, petitioner, or respondent, information necessary to locate a child or for the purpose of otherwise implementing the Convention with respect to a child, except that the United States

Central Authority -

(1) may receive such information from a Federal or State department, agency, or instrumentality only pursuant to applicable Federal and State statutes; and

(2) may transmit any information received under this subsection notwithstanding any provision of law other than this chapter.

(b) Requests for information

Requests for information under this section shall be submitted in such manner and form as the United States Central Authority may prescribe by regulation and shall be accompanied or supported by such documents as the United States Central Authority may require.

(c) Responsibility of government entities

Whenever any department, agency, or instrumentality of the United States or of any State receives a request from the United States Central Authority for information authorized to be provided to such Central Authority under subsection (a) of this section, the head of such department, agency, or instrumentality shall promptly cause a search to be made of the files and records maintained by such department, agency, or instrumentality in order to determine whether the information requested is contained in any such files or records. If such search discloses the information requested, the head of such department, agency, or instrumentality shall immediately transmit such information to the United States Central

Authority, except that any such information the disclosure of which -

(1) would adversely affect the national security interests of the United States or the law enforcement interests of the United States or of any State; or

(2) would be prohibited by section 9 of title 13; shall not be transmitted to the Central Authority. The head of such department, agency, or instrumentality shall, immediately upon completion of the requested search, notify the Central Authority of the results of the search, and whether an exception set forth in paragraph (1) or (2) applies. In the event that the United States

Central Authority receives information and the appropriate Federal or State department, agency, or instrumentality thereafter notifies the Central Authority that an exception set forth in paragraph (1) or (2) applies to that information, the Central Authority may not disclose that information under subsection (a) of this section.

(d) Information available from Parent Locator Service

To the extent that information which the United States Central Authority is authorized to obtain under the provisions of subsection (c) of this section can be obtained through the Parent Locator Service, the United States Central Authority shall first seek to obtain such information from the Parent Locator Service, before requesting such information directly under the provisions of subsection (c) of this section.

(e) Recordkeeping

The United States Central Authority shall maintain appropriate records concerning its activities and the disposition of cases brought to its attention.

Sec. 11609. Interagency coordinating group

The Secretary of State, the Secretary of Health and Human Services, and the Attorney General shall designate Federal employees and may, from time to time, designate private citizens to serve on an interagency coordinating group to monitor the operation of the Convention and to provide advice on its implementation to the United States Central Authority and other Federal agencies. This group shall meet from time to time at the request of the United States Central Authority. The agency in which the United States Central Authority is located is authorized to reimburse such private citizens for travel and other expenses incurred in participating at meetings of the interagency coordinating group at rates not to exceed those authorized under subchapter I of chapter 57 of title 5 for employees of agencies.

Sec. 11610. Authorization of appropriations

There are authorized to be appropriated for each fiscal year such sums as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of the Convention and this chapter.



*Judge Torrez a IV-D Master of Child Support Court No. 3 of the Second Administrative Judicial Region of Texas.

[1] See Intl. Leg. Materials, Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction vol. 19, no. 6, 1501 (Am. Socy. of Intl. L. 1980) [hereinafter Hague Convention]; see generally Turner v. Frowein, 752 A.2d 955, 961 (Conn. 2000); Karin Wolfe, A Tale of Two States: Successes and Failure of the 1980 Hague Convention of the Civil Aspects of the International Child Abduction in the U.S. and Germany, 33 N.Y.U. J. Intl. L. & Pol. 285, 299 (2000).

[2] See International Child Abduction Remedies Act, 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11601(a) (1994).

[3] Merle H. Weiner, International Child Abduction and the Escape from Domestic Violence, 69 Fordham L. Rev. 593, 641 (2000).

[4] 9 P.3d 551 (Kan. 2000); see also Anna I. Sapone, Children as Pawns in Their Parents' Fight for Control: The Failure of the U.S. to Protect Against International Child Abduction, 21 Women's Rights L. Rep. 129, 132-133 (2000).

[5] 9 P.3d at 554.

[6] Id.

[7] Id.

[8] Id.

[9] Id.

[10] Id.

[11] Id. at 555.

[12] Id.

[13] Id.

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] Id.

[17] Id. at 554-555.

[18] Id. at 558-559.

[19] Id. at 555.

[20] Id.

[21] Id.

[22] Id. at 555-556.

[23] Id. at 555.

[24] Id. at 555-556.

[25] Id. at 556.

[26] See 28 U.S.C. ¤ 1738A (2000); Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act, 28 U.S.C. ¤ 1738(c)(2)(C); 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610 (2005) (this statute is the domestic implementation of the Hague Convention); Uniform Child Custody Jurisdiction Act, Tex. Fam. Code Ann. ¤ 152.001 (2002); see generally Memo from Rhonda Pressley, Assistant Attorney General of Texas, Appellate Division, Transborder Enforcement of Family Law Orders, (1997) (copy on file with author).

[27] 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610; Tex. Fam. Code Ann. ¤ 152.001; Hague Convention, supra n. 1.

[28] The doctrine of comity regarding foreign judicial proceedings gives a court the authority, but not the duty, to dismiss U.S. litigation in favor of a foreign forum. See e.g. Diorinou v. Mezitis, 237 F.3d 133, 136 (2d Cir. 2001); Finanz AG Zurich v. Banco Economico S.A., 192 F.3d 136, 240, 242, 246-250 (2d Cir. 1999); In re Maxwell Communication Corp., 93 F.3d 1036, 1051 (2d Cir. 1996); Allstate Life Ins. Co. v. Linter Group Ltd., 994 F.2d 996, 997, 998-1000 (2d Cir. 1993); see generally Jeanine Lewis, Student Author, The Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abductions When Domestic Violence and Child Abuse Impact the Goal of Comity, 13 Transnatl. Law 391, 445-448 (2000); Paul B. Stephan, A Becoming Modesty - U.S. Litigation in the Mirror of International Law, 52 DePaul L. Rev. 627, 637-639 (2002).

[29] National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws, Uniform Child Custody and Jurisdiction Act [¦ 8] (1968) (available at http://www.law.upenn.edu/ bll/ulc/fnact99/1920_69/uccja68.htm).

[30] Tex. Fam. Code Ann. ¤ 152.001.

[31] Id. at Official Comment.

[32] Id. at ¤ 152.303.

[33] Id. at ¤152.201(a)(2).

[34] Id. at ¤152.201.

[35] Memo, supra n. 26.

[36] Id.

[37] Burkhardt v. Bacharach, 225 S.W.2d 1022, 1023 (Tex. Civ. App. 4th Dist. 1950).

[38] Memo, supra n. 26.

[39] Id.

[40] Tex. Fam. Code Ann. ¤ 152.001.

[41] Id.

[42] Id.

[43] Clague v. Clague, 723 S.W.2d 808, 809-810 (Tex. App. 12th Dist. 1987); Grimes v. Grimes, 706 S.W.2d 340, 341-342 (Tex. App. 4th Dist. 1986).

[44] Memo, supra n. 26.

[45] Tex. Fam. Code Ann. ¤ 152.201(a)(2)(A)-(B).

[46] Id.

[47] Id.; see also Hanson v. Leckey, 754 S.W.2d 292, 295 (Tex. App. 12th Dist. 1988).

[48] See Tex. Fam. Code Ann. ¤ 152.313; Don Koons, Handbook of Texas Family Law: A Quick Reference Guide to the Family Code ¤ 27.41 (West 2005).

[49] Hanson, 754 S.W.2d at 295-297.

[50] Id. at 296-297.

[51] Id. at 295.

[52] See Garza v. Harney, 726 S.W.2d 198, 203 (Tex. App. 7th Dist. 1987).

[53] See Memo, supra n. 26.

[54] Soto-Ruphuy v. Yates, 687 S.W.2d 19, 21 (Tex. App. 4th Dist. 1984).

[55] Tex. Fam. Code Ann. ¤ 152.201.

[56] Id.

[57] See Tex. Fam. Code Ann. ¤¤ 152.204-152.206.

[58] See Memo, supra n. 26.

[59] Black's Law Dictionary 994 (6th ed., West 1991).

[60] See Turman v. Turman, 99 S.W.2d 947, 951 (Tex. Civ. App. 2d Dist. 1936), cert. denied, 301 U.S. 698 (1937); Risch v. Risch, 395 S.W.2d 709, 712 (Tex. Civ. App. 1st Dist 1965), cert. denied, 386 U.S. 10 (1967).

[61] See e.g. Risch, 395 S.W.2d at 712-713.

[62] See Fox v. Fox, 559 S.W.2d 407, 410 (Tex. Civ. App. 3d Dist. 1977); Vanderbilt v. Vanderbilt, 354 U.S. 416, 418-419 (1957); Kulko v. Superior Court of California, 436 U.S. 84, 98-99 (1978).

[63] See First Natl. Bank v. Rector, 710 S.W.2d 100, 103-104 (Tex. App. 3d Dist. 1986).

[64] 28 U.S.C. ¤1738A(a).

[65] 554 S.W.2d 274, 278 (Tex. Civ. App. 1st Dist 1977).

[66] Id.; 28 U.S.C. ¤ 1738A(g).

[67] Rumpf v. Rumpf, 242 S.W.2d 416, 420 (Tex. 1951).

[68] See generally Stephan, supra n. 28, at 637-639; see also Memo, supra n. 26.

[69] Id.

[70] Id.

[71] Id.

[72] 706 S.W.2d 304, 306 (Tex. 1986) (quoting the court in New Process Steel Corp. v. Steel Corporation of Texas, 638 S.W.2d 522, 524).

[73] See 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11601(a); Hague Convention, supra n. 1.

[74] See Creavin v. Moloney, 773 S.W.2d 698, 704 (Tex. App. 13th Dist. 1989).

[75] Tex. Fam. Code Ann. ¤ 152.023 (repealed 1999).

[76] Garza v. Harvey, 726 S.W.2d 198, 200 (Tex. App. 7th Dist. 1987).

[77] Id.

[78] Id.

[79] Id.

[80] Id.

[81] Id.

[82] Id.

[83] Id.

[84] Id.

[85] Id. at 202.

[86] See generally Robert Spector, International Child Custody Jurisdiction and the Uniform Child Custody Jurisdiction and Enforcement Act, 33 N.Y.U. J. Intl. L. & Pol. 252, 257-258 (2000).

[87] Id.

[88] Id.; Unif. Child Custody Jxn. Act ¤ 3; 28 U.S.C. ¤ 1738A.

[89] See generally Spector, supra n. 86, at 257-258.

[90] 28 U.S.C. ¤ 1738A.

[91] Id.

[92] Id.

[93] See generally Courtney E. Hoben, The Hague Convention on International Parental Kidnapping: Closing the Article 13(B) Loophole, 5 J. Intl. Leg. Stud. 271, 276 (1999).

[94] 18 U.S.C.S. ¤ 1073 (LEXIS 2005).

[95] Sue T. Bentch, Court-Sponsored Custody Mediation to Prevent Parental Kidnapping: A Disarmament Proposal, 18 St. Mary's L.J. 361, 376-377 (1986).

[96] See Timothy P. McElduff, In re McMullen and the Supplementary Extradition Treaty: An Unconstitutional Bill of Attainder, 11 N.Y. Intl. L. Rev. 139, 147-148 (1998); Aimee Lee, Student Author, U.S. v. Alvarez-Machain: The Deleterious Ramifications of Illegal Abductions, 17 Fordham Intl. L.J. 126, 131-132 (1993).

[97] 28 U.S.C. ¤ 1738A.

[98] Id.

[99] Id. at ¤ 1738A(c).

[100] Id. at ¤ 1738A(f).

[101] Id.

[102] 651 S.W.2d 890, 893 (Tex. App. 8th Dist. 1983).

[103] Id.

[104] Id. at 892.

[105] Id.

[106] 28 U.S.C. ¤ 1738A(g).

[107] Id.; see also McGee, 651 S.W.2d at 892.

[108] 28 U.S.C. ¤ 1738A(g).

[109] 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610.

[110] Friedrich v. Friedrich, 78 F.3d 1060, 1063-1065 (6th Cir. 1960); see also Memo, supra n. 26.

[111] Id.

[112] 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610.

[113] Id. at ¤ 11601(a).

[114] Id. at ¤ 11601(b).

[115] Id. at ¤ 11602.

[116] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 4.

[117] Intl. Leg. Materials, Hague Convention on Civil Aspects of International Abduction, Final Act, 18th Session of the Hague Conference vol.35, 1391, 1396 (Am. Socy. of Intl. L. 1996) [hereinafter Hague 1996]; see generally Thomas A. Johnson, The Hague Child Abduction Convention: Diminishing Returns and Little to Celebrate for Americans, 33 N.Y.U. J. Intl. L. & Pol. 125, 139 (2000); Brian S. Kenworthy, The Un-Common Law: Emerging Differences Between the U.S. and the U.K. on the Children's Rights Aspects of the Hague Convention on International Child Abduction, 12 Ind. Intl. & Comp. L. Rev. 329, 345 (2002).

[118] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 45.

[119] 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(b).

[120] Id. at ¤ 11603(c).

[121] Id. at ¤ 11603(e), (h).

[122] Id. at ¤ 11603(g).

[123] Id.

[124] Id. at ¤ 11604.

[125] Id.

[126] Id. at ¤ 11607.

[127] See id.; Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 26.

[128] Id. ICARA is the implementing statute for The Hague Convention and it has the effect and force of U.S. law; however, other Covenants are not so lucky. For example, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (open for signature Dec. 19, 1966, entered into force March 23, 1976, and adopted by the U.S. Sept. 8, 1992) 999 U.N.T.S. 171, was not self-executed; therefore, it was not the law, but instead merely an interpretation of the law. See generally United States Ratification of the International Covenant on Human Rights (Hurst Hannun & Dana D. Fischer eds., Transnatl. Publishers, Inc. 1993).

[129] See United States Central Authority Office of Children's Issues, List of Hague Convention Signatory Countries, http://travel.state.gov./family/adoption/convention/ convention_461.html (accessed Sept. 22, 2005) (Argentina, June 1, 1991; Australia, July 1, 1988; Austria, Oct. 1, 1988; Bahamas, Jan. 1, 1994; Belgium, May 1, 1999; Belize, Nov. 1, 1989; Bosnia & Herz., Dec. 1, 1991; Brazil, Dec. 1, 2003; Bulgaria, Jan. 1, 2005; Burkino Faso, Nov. 1, 1992; Canada, Jul. 1, 1988; Chile, Jul. 1, 1994; China, (Hong Kong Special Admin. Region - Sept. 1, 1997) & (Macau - Mar. 1, 1999); Columbia, Jun. 1, 1996; Croatia, Dec. 1, 1991; Czech Republic, Mar. 1, 1998; Cyprus, Mar. 1, 1995; Denmark, Jul. 1, 1991; Ecuador, Apr. 1, 1992; Finland, Aug. 1, 1994; France, Jul. 1, 1988; Germany, Dec. 1, 1990; Greece, Jun. 1, 1993; Honduras, Jun. 1, 1994; Hungary, Jul. 1, 1988; Iceland, Dec. 1, 1996; Ireland, Oct. 1, 1991; Israel, Dec. 1, 1991; Italy, May 1, 1995; Luxembourg, Jul. 1, 1988; FMR. Yugoslav Rep. of Macedonia, Dec. 1, 1991; Malta, Feb. 1, 2003; Mauritius, Oct. 1, 1993; Mexico, Oct. 1, 1991; Monaco, Jun. 1, 1993; Netherlands, Sept. 1, 1990; New Zealand, Oct. 1, 1991; Norway, Apr. 1, 1989; Panama, Jun. 1, 1994; Poland, Nov. 1, 1992; Portugal, Jul. 1, 1988; Romania, Jun. 1, 1993; Slovak Republic, Feb. 1, 2001; Slovenia, Apr. 1, 1995; South Africa, Nov. 1, 1997; Spain, Jul. 1, 1988; St. Kitts and Nevis, Jun. 1, 1995; Sweden, Jun. 1, 1989; Switzerland, Jul. 1, 1988; Turkey, Aug. 1, 2000; United Kingdom, Jul. 1, 1988 (Bermuda - Mar. 1, 1999, Cayman Islands - Aug. 1, 1998, Falkland Islands - Jun. 1, 1998, Isle of man - Sept. 1, 1991, Montserrat - Mar. 1, 1999); Uruguay, Sept. 1, 2004; Venezuela, Jan. 1, 1997; Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Dec. 1, 1991; Zimbabwe, Aug. 1, 1995).

[130] See generally Joel R. Brandes & Carole L. Weidman, International Child Abduction, 210 N.Y.L.J. 81 (1993); Sharon C. Nelson, Turning Our Backs on the Children: Implications of Recent Decisions Regarding the Hague Convention on International Child Abduction, 2001 U. Ill. L. Rev. 669, 670 (2001).

[131] See 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11601; see generally Memo, supra n. 26; see also Intl. Leg. Materials, Hague Conference on Private International Law: Report on the Second Special Commission Meeting to Review the Operation of the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, vol. 33, 225 (Am. Socy. of Intl. L. 1993).

[132] Id.

[133] Id.

[134] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 12.

[135] Id. at art. 3.

[136] Id. at art. 13.

[137] Id. at art. 16.

[138] Id. at art. 26.

[139] A State may make reservations regarding cost. Id. at art. 42.

[140] Id. at art. 26.

[141] Hague 1996, supra n. 117, at 1396.

[142] Id. at art. 1.

[143] Id.

[144] Id. at art. 1.

[145] Id. at art. 2.

[146] Id. at art. 3.

[147] Id. at art. 4.

[148] See generally id.

[149] Id.; see also 1956 Convention on the Law Applicable to Maintenance Obligations in Respect of Children and the Convention on Jurisdiction and Enforcement in Civil and Commercial Matters. Another treaty that applies to this type of case is the Convention on Enforcement of Civil Judgments (Sept. 1988).

[150] Hague 1996, supra n. 117, at arts. 5 & 6.

[151] Hague Convention, supra n. 1 at arts. 12 & 13; cf. to Hague 1996, supra n. 117, at art. 7.

[152] Hague 1996, supra n. 117, at art. 8.

[153] Id. at art. 11.

[154] Id.

.

[155] See generally Joel R. Brandes, Summary of the Basic Rules for the Granting of a Petition for Return of a Wrongfully Removed Child under the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, http://www.brandeslaw.com/ Internation_child_abduction_laws/hague.l.htm (accessed Sept. 25, 2005).

[156] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 6.

[157] See generally id. at ch. 2-3.

[158] See id. at ch. 3.

[159] See id.

[160] Id.

[161] Carol S. Bruch, The Central Authority's Role Under The Hague Child Abduction Convention: A Friend In Deed, 28 Fam. L. Q. 35, 36-38 (1994); see also Sapone, supra n. 4, at 132-134 (2000); Merle H. Weiner, Navigating the Road Between Uniformity and Progress: The Need for Purposive Analysis of the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, 33 Colum. Hum. Rights L. Rev. 275, 322 (2002).

[162] See generally Lewis, supra n. 28, at 403-408.

[163] Id.

[164] Id.

[165] Id.

[166] Id.

[167] Id.

[168] Id.

[169] Bruch, supra n. 161; see also Lewis, supra n. 28, at 403-409.

[170] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 12.

[171] Id. at art. 13.

[172] Hague 1996, supra n. 117, at art. 2.

[173] Hague Convention, supra n. 1 at art. 13.

[174] Id. at art 12; 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11601(a)(4); see also Linda Silberman, Hague Convention on International Child Abduction: A Brief Overview and Case Law Analysis, 28 Fam. L. Q. 9, 10-12 (1994).

[175] 481 F. Supp. 264, 268 (N.D. Iowa 1993).

[176] Id. at 268-269.

[177] Id. at 269.

[178] 829 F. Supp. 363, 366 (D. Utah 1993).

[179] Id.

[180] Id. at 366-367.

[181] Id. at 367.

[182] Id.

[183] Id.

[184] 983 F.2d 1396, 1401 (6th Cir. 1993).

[185] 759 F. Supp. 1432, 1433 (D. Ariz. 1991).

[186] Id.

[187] Id. at 1436.

[188] 816 F. Supp. 662, 663 (D. Kan. 1993).

[189] Id.

[190] Id.

[191] Id. at 665.

[192] Id. at 666.

[193] 759 F. Supp. at 1436.

[194] 546 N.Y.S.2d 517, 519 (N.Y. App. Div. 2d Dept. 1989).

[195] Id.

[196] Id.

[197] Id. at 520.

[198] Id.

[199] Id.

[200] Id.

[201] Id.

[202] See Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 12.

[203] No. 90 DR 1138 (Division B, Adams Cty., Colo., May 8, 1991).

[204] In re Robinson, 983 F. Supp. 1339, 1344 (D. Colo. 1997).

[205] 959 F. Supp. 413, 420-421 (E.D. Mich. 1997).

[206] Id.

[207] See Carrie Nelson, Recent United States' Interpretations of Article 13(B) of the Hague International Child Abduction Convention: We're on the Right Road, 15 Temp. Intl. & Comp. L.J. 297, 306 (2001); Gary Zalkin, The Increasing Incidence of American Courts Allowing Abducting Parents to Use the Article 13(B) Exception to the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, 23 Suffolk Transnatl. L. Rev. 265, 275 (1999).

[208] Friedrich, 78 F.3d at 1069-1070.

[209] 850 F. Supp. 78, 82 (D.Mass. 1994).

[210] See Lewis, supra n. 28, at 414.

[211] Id. at 409-414.

[212] 969 F. Supp. 436, 442 (E.D. Mich. 1996).

[213] Id. at 442-443.

[214] Id.

[215] 600 A.2d 472 (N.J. Super. Ct. App. Div. 1991).

[216] Id. at 473-474.

[217] Id. at 474.

[218] Id. at 477.

[219] Tahan v. Duquette, 613 A.2d 486, 489 (N.J. Super. Ct. App. Div. 1992).

[220] Id.

[221] Id. Also, the Convention ceases to apply when a child reaches the age of sixteen. Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 4. Similarly, a state's refusal to return a child may be justified under the "child's objection exception when the child objects to being retained and has attained an age of maturity at which it is appropriate to take account of the child's views." Id. at art. 13(b).

[222] Shalit v. Coppe, 182 F.3d 1124, 1128 (9th Cir. 1999). The petitioner must show the habitual residence of the child by a preponderance of the evidence. 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(1). If the removal was wrongful, then the court must order the child returned to its habitual residence for the custody determination. Shalit, 182 F.3d at 1128; see also Tsarbopoulos v. Tsarbopoulos, 243 F.3d 550 (table), 2000 WL 1721800 (9th Cir. 2000). An ICARA hearing is not a custody hearing but a proceeding that merely determines which nation should hear the underling custody claim. 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610; see Egervary v. Young (Egervary II), 159 F. Supp. 2d 132, 148-149 (E.D. Pa. 2001).

[223] Diorinou v. Mezitis, 237 F.3d 133, 142-143 (2d Cir. 2001). The court also held that the foreign court's determination that mother did not wrongfully retain children in Greece following vacation in Greece was entitled to deference; and that New York custody award to father did not require federal court to refuse to return children so that father's removal of children from Greece was wrongful under the Hague Convention which supported order for return. Id. at 145.

[224] Blondin v. Dubois (Blondin II), 189 F.3d 240, 245 (2d Cir. 1999) (quoting Friedrich, 983 F.2d at 1400); see Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 19; 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11601(b)(4).

[225] Blondin II, 189 F.3d at 245 (citing 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(1)(A)); see Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 12; see also 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(2)(A)-(B).

[226] Diorinou, 237 F.3d at 141-142; see also Diorinou v. Mezitis, 132 F. Supp. 2d 139, 143 (S.D.N.Y. 2000); Feder v. Evans-Feder, 63 F.3d 217, 218 (3d Cir. 1995).

[227] Diorinou, 132 F. Supp. 2d at 143; see Nunez-Escudero v. Tice-Menley, 58 F.3d 374, 379 (8th Cir. 1995).

[228] 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(2); see Cerit v. Cerit, 188 F. Supp. 2d 1239, 1244 (D. Haw. 2002).

[229] 42 U.S.C.¤ 11601(a)(4); see Tabacchi v. Harrison, 2000 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 1518 at *27 (N.D. Ill. 2000).

[230] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, art. 13(a); 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(2)(B); see Tabacchi, 2000 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 1518 at *27.

[231] Id.; see Friedrich, 78 F.3d at 1069 n.11. There are also the so-called Younger and Colorado River abstention doctrines (Younger v. Harris, 401 U.S. 37 (1971); Colorado River Water Conservation District v. U.S., 424 U.S. 800 (1976)) which prohibit, under certain circumstances federal courts from interfering in pending state civil cases; thus, necessitating the court to abstain from hearing ICARA petitions (Younger), as well as abstaining from adjudicating an ICARA controversy where there are parallel proceedings for reasons of wise judicial administration (Colorado River). Cerit, 188 F. Supp. 2d at 1247-1250; see also Bouvagnet v. Bouvagnet, 2002 U.S. App. LEXIS 17661 (7th Cir. 2002); Grieve v. Tamerin, 269 F.3d 149, 153 (2d Cir. 2001) (holding that the comity concerns of Younger are not implicated by a Hague petition).

[232] Croll v. Croll, 229 F.3d 133, 135 (2d Cir. 2000).

[233] Id. at 143; see also Weiner, supra n. 161, at 308-309.

[234] 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601(a)(4), 11603(e)(1)(A); see Croll, 229 F.3d at 139-140.

[235] 230 F.3d 450, 459-461 (1st Cir. 2000).

[236] Id. at 452.

[237] Id. at 458-459; 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610; International Child Abduction Convention arts. 3 & 5(a) (entered into force Dec. 1, 1983) (available at 1988 WL 411501). Month-long visits with her mother's family does not change the daughter's habitual presence supported by the fact that she lived all her life in Italy and attended school and summer camp there and is a prize-winning soccer player in a youth league. Fabri v. Pritikin-Fabri, 221 F. Supp. 2d 859, 869-870 (N.D. Ill. 2001). Habitual residence will be the state where child continually returned for months at a time and attended half of the school year there; any visits to New York were temporary and by way of the visa waiver program. Armiliato v. Zaric-Armiliato, 169 F. Supp. 2d 230, 236-239 (S.D.N.Y. 2001); see also Tabacchi, 2000 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 1518 at *25 (N.D. Ill. 2000) (vacations and side trips away from Italy did not disturb the fact that the child was well-settled in the land of her birth). The key is the child's circumstances in the alleged country of habitual residence; degree of settled purpose is to be analyzed from child's perspective. International Child Abduction Convention at art. 19; 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11601 (b)(4); see March v. Levine, 136 F. Supp. 2d 831, 839-840 (M.D. Tenn. 2000). But, a new habitual residence is not created by wrongfully retaining child. Escaf v. Rodrigeuz, 200 F. Supp. 2d 603, 612 (E.D. Va. 2002). In determining habitual residence, the relevant period is the time immediately before the alleged wrongful removal and retention. See Bocquet v. Ouzid, 225 F. Supp. 2d 1337, 1343 (9th Cir. 1999). There is an exception to the requirement that the child should be returned to the habitual residence, which is if there is an objection to that return; however, voiced concerns of children to stay with their mother did not rise to the level of "objection to return" so as to require that wrongfully removed children not be returned to their country of residence. 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601(a)(4), 11603(e)(2)(B); see Norden-Powers v. Beveridge, 125 F. Supp. 2d 634, 641 (E.D. N.Y. 2000).

[238] Whallon, 230 F.3d at 453.

[239] Id. at 460.

[240] Id.

[241] 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610; International Child Abduction Convention, supra n. 225, at art. 13(b); see Whallon, 230 F.3d at 459.

[242] Walsh v. Walsh, 221 F.3d 204, 218 (1st Cir. 2000); see 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(2)(A); International Child Abduction Convention, supra n. 237, at art. 13(b).

[243] Walsh, 221 F.3d at 218; see Whallon, 230 F.3d at 459.

[244] Walsh, 221 F.3d at 218. The threshold question is whether the removal was wrongful under the law of the child's habitual residence. See Shalit, 182 F.3d at 1128; Tsarbopoulos, 2000 WL 1721800 at *2. U.S. courts have typically focused on two factors in determining habitual residence: whether the parents shared a mutual, settled purpose to make the new state their settled home; and whether the children are sufficiently acclimatized to their new location. See Tsarbopoulos, 2000 WL 1721800 at *3; Feder, 63 F.3d at 224; Friedrich, 983 F.2d at 1401-1402. In Tsarbopoulos, there were genuine issues of material fact as to both habitual residence and grave risk so as to preclude summary judgment. "If proven by clear and convincing evidence, the 'grave risk' defense allows a court, in its discretion, to refuse to return a child even if the other requirements of the Hague Convention are satisfied. Hague Convention, art. 13(b), T.I.A.S. No. 11670 at 8; 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(2)." Tsarbopoulos, 2000 WL 1721800 at *3. Kristi Tsarbopoulos produced sufficient evidence summary judgment on her "grave risk" defense. She alleged that she and the children had suffered abuse, and tendered the affidavits of four health care professionals stating that the children had experienced abuse and would be physically and psychologically harmed if returned to their father. This was strongly disputed and the district court rejected the evidence as lacking credibility; but in a summary judgment analysis all evidence must be construed in the light most favorable to the non-moving party. Kristi Tsarbopoulos' evidence was sufficient to raise genuine issues of material fact concerning this defense, even when measured by the requirement that the evidence be clear and convincing. "If the district court determined that there is a grave risk that returning the children to Greece would expose them to physical or psychological harm or otherwise place them in an intolerable situation, the court may refuse to order the return of the children to Greece, but may also consider 'a range of remedies that might allow both the return of the children to their home country and their protection from harm.' " Id. at *2. The Tsarbopolous court was not precluded from "considering and imposing appropriate protective measures as a condition of the childrens' return, including, but not necessarily limited to those initially proposed by Anthony Tsarbopoulous in district court and at oral argument before [the appellate] court. If Anthony Tsarbopoulos agrees, the court may impose those measures without actually making a finding of grave risk." Id.

[245] 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610; International Child Abduction Convention, supra n. 225, at Art. 13, subd. a.; see Whallon, 230F.3d at 461. In In re Koc, the court held inter alia that the father did not acquiesce in the wrongful retention and that the child was not "well settled in new home, nor would returning child to Poland subject her to physical or psychological harm or otherwise place her 'in an intolerable situation.' " 181 F. Supp. 2d 136, 152, 154-155 (E.D. N.Y. 2001). A court is also permitted to take into account the mature preferences of an older child. Id. at 147; 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610. But, there is no age limit for applying maturity exception. Raijmakers-Eghaghe v. Haro, 131 F. Supp. 2d 953, 957 (E.D. Mich. 2001). Factors that the court considers in determining if a child is "well-settled" in a new environment, and thus, does not have to be returned to their country of origin in a Hague action commenced over one year after removal, include: the age of the child, the stability of the child's residence in the new environment, whether the child attends school or day care consistently, whether the child attends church regularly, the stability of the mother's employment, and whether the child has friends and relatives in the new area. In re Koc, 181 F. Supp. 2d at 152-53. A child that was wrongfully retained in the United States by her mother was not "well settled" in her new home so as to preclude father's claim for child's return to Poland under the Hague Convention although the child had been in the United States for two and a half years, lived in at least three different locations, and attended three different schools. She had been at the school that she was currently attending for only four months, and she did not attend extracurricular school-related activities or church on a regular basis or socialize with her classmates outside of school. Id. at 153-154.

[246] 221 F.3d at 218.

[247] Id. at 214; 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610.

[248] 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601(a)(4), 11603(e)(2)(A); Walsh, 221 F.3d at 218.

[249] Walsh, 221 F.3d at 218.

[250] Id.

[251] Id.; 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601(a)(4), 11603(e)(2)(A); see also Nunez-Escudero, 58 F.3d at 377; see Turner v. Frowein, 752 A.2d 955 (Conn. 2000) (even though there was evidence of husband's sexual abuse, a denial of a Hague Convention petition under the grave risk exception requires full evaluation of placement options and legal safeguards). In Turner, the trial court did not evaluate placement options and legal safeguards before denying Hague petition. But, two incidents of husband's physical violence towards wife and her testimony that he struck children with a belt during meals did not rise to the level of "grave risk" and wife also used corporal punishment on children. Id. at 976; see generally Dalmasso, 9 P.3d 551; International Child Abduction Convention, supra n. 237, at art. 13(b).

[252] Walsh, 221 F.3d at 220; see generally Sharon Nelson, Turning Our Backs on the Children: Implications of Recent Decisions Regarding the Hague Convention on International Child Abduction, 2001 U. Ill. L. Rev. 669, 679-82 (2001); Nelson, supra n. 207, at 301; Linda Silberman, The Hague Child Abduction Convention Turns Twenty: Gender Politics and Other Issues, 33 N.Y.U. J. Intl. L. & Pol. 221, 240 (2000); Zalkin, supra n. 207, at 276.

[253] Walsh, 221F.3d at 219-220; 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601 (a)(4), 11603(e)(2)(A).

[254] Walsh, 221 F.3d at 220.

[255] Id. at 220-221.

[256] Danaipour v. McLarey, 286 F.3d 1, 18-19 (1st Cir. 2002), aff'd, 386 F.3d 289 (1st Cir. 2004).

[257] Id. at 13. 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(2)(A), International Child Abduction Convention, supra n. 237, at art. 13(b).

[258] 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610; Danaipour, 286 F.3d at 12-14; Whallon, 230 F.3d at 460; Turner 752 A.2d at 967; International Child Abduction Convention, supra n. 237, at art. 13(b); Permanent Bureau, Hague Conference on Private Intl. Law, Conclusions and Recommendations of the Fourteenth Meeting of the Special Commission to Review the Operation of the Hague Convention of 25 October 1980 on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction ¤ 4.3 (2001) (available at http://www.hcch.e-vision.nl/index_en.php?act=conventions.text&cid=24); Elisa Perez-Vera, Explanatory Report on the Hague Child Abduction Convention, Acts and Documents of the Fourteenth Session, 434 at ¦34 (1982) (available at http://www.hcch.e-vision.nl/index_en.php?act=publications.details&pid=2779).

[259] Danaipour, 286 F.3d at 14-15; 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610; International Child Abduction Convention, supra n. 237, at art. 13(b); Hague International Child Abduction Convention: Text and Legal Analysis, 51 Fed. Reg. 10,494, 10,510 (Mar. 26, 1986); Whallon, 230 F.3d at 460; Walsh, 221 F.3d at 221, n.17; Friedrich, 78 F.3d at 1067.

[260] Danaipour, 286 F.3d at 14-15; 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610; International Child Abduction Convention, supra n. 237, at art. 13(b).

[261] Danaipour, 286 F.3d at 16-17; 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610.

[262] Danaipour, 286 F.3d at 16-17.

[263] Id. at 17-18; see also 42 U.S.C. ¤¤ 11601-11610; International Child Abduction Convention, supra n. 237, at art. 13(b).

[264] Danaipour, 286 F.3d at 7-8.

[265] Id. at 19-20.

[266] Id. at21-25. "Undertakings are verbal assurances given to the court by the petitioner as a condition of the child's return. Undertakings have become a procedural shortcut to adjudicating Article 13(b) claims." Weiner, supra 161, at 338, n. 242. "Blondin IV dramatically widens the article 13(b) defense, makes expert testimony a virtual necessity whenever the defense is raised, and undermines the potential usefulness of undertakings." Id. at 338; see also Tsarbopoulos, 2000 WL 1721800 at *2; see generally Paul K. Beaumont & Peter K. McEleavy, The Hague Convention on International Child Abduction 163, 170 (1999); Linda Silberman, Hague International Child Abduction Convention Progress Report, 57 L. & Contemp. Probs. 209, 267 (1994); Silberman, supra n. 174, at 33; Weiner, supra n. 3, at 660-661, 677-681.

[267] The petition for the children's return was initially heard in 1998 (Blondin I, 19 F. Supp. 2d 123 (S.D.N.Y. 1998)); the petitioner lost and appealed, the Second Circuit granted the appeal and remanded (Blondin II, 189 F.3d 240 (2d Cir. 1999)); the District Court again dismissed the petition (Blondin III, 78 F. Supp. 283 (S.D.N.Y. 2000)); and finally, the second Circuit affirmed (Blondin IV, 238 F.3d 153 (2d Cir. 2001)). See generally Peter Gloss, Blondin v. Dubois: A Closer Step to Safeguarding the Welfare of Abducted Children, 26 Brook. J. Intl. L. 721, 738 (2000); Elizabeth Ising, Refusing to Debate Wheaties Versus Milchreis: Blondin v. Dubois and the Second Circuit's Interpretation of the Hague Abduction Convention's Grave Risk Exception, 25 N.C.J. Intl. L. & Com. Reg. 619, 630 (2000); Nelson, supra n. 252, at 682-687; Weiner, supra n. 161, at 337. Blondin IV also allowed the district court the option while considering whether repatriation would pose a "grave risk of psychological harm," the fact that the children were now settled in the United States and that the eight-year-old expressed a desire to remain there. Id.; 283 F.2d at 163; see also Hoben, supra n. 93, at 279-281; Nelson, supra n. 207, at 301; Zalkin, supra n. 207, at 274-276.

[268] Blondin III, 78 F. Supp. 2d at 298.

[269] Id. at 298-299.

[270] Blondin IV, 238 F.3d at 162

[271] Blondin II, 189 F.3d at 246-247.

[272] Blondin IV, 238 F.3d at 162.

[273] Flores v. Contreras, 981 S.W.2d 246, 248 (Tex. App. 4th Dist. 1998).

[274] 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(a).

[275] Id.; Lops v. Lops, 140 F.3d 927, 936 (11th Cir. 1998); Friedrich, 78 F.3d at 1063; Flores, 981 S.W.2d at 248.

[276] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at arts. 6-7; Velez v. Mitsak, 89 S.W.3d 73, 80 (Tex. App. 8th Dist. 2002).

[277] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 14

[278] 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(1)(A); In re Prevot, 59 F.3d 556, 560 (6th Cir. 1995).

[279] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 30.

[280] Id. at art. 13; Velez, 89 S.W.3d at 80-81.

[281] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 20.

[282] 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(2)(A).

[283] Id. at ¤ 11603(e)(2)(B).

[284] See Velez, 89 S.W.3d at 81.

[285] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 12; 42 U.S.C. ¤ 11603(e)(2)(B).

[286] Friedrich, 78 F.3d at 1067.

[287] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 18.

[288] Velez, 89 S.W.3d at 81.

[289] See id.; Friedrich, 78 F.3d at 1068-1069.

[290] Weiner, supra n. 161, at 338. Article 13(b) was indeed considered a "loophole"; "[u]ncertainty regarding the proper use has led to the irreconcilable applications of the Treaty, both with and among contracting states. The inconsistent applications have led to the development of Article 13(b) as a 'loophole' which can be used to prevent the prompt return of the abducted child." Hoben, supra n. 93, at 276; see also LaGette, International Child Abduction and the Hague Convention: Emerging Practice and Interpretation of the Discretionary Exception, 25 Tex. Intl. L.J. 287, 289 (1990); Zalkin, supra n. 207, at 297.

[291] Weiner, supra n. 161, at 344-345. "Blondin IV's broader interpretation is that an article 13(b) inquiry is akin to a best interests 'merits' inquiry, and that Article 13(b) need not be interpreted narrowly." Id. at 345.

[292] Hague Convention, supra n. 1, at art. 13.


 
  If you prefer to read this article separately from the other articles listed in this section, please
 

Lawmaking by Public Welfare Professionals
By Margaret Brinig, Gerald Jogerst, Jeanette Daly, Jeffrey Dawson and Gretchen Schmuch[1]

Please Note: You can easily jump to any citation in this article by clicking on citation numbers within the article's text.

When thinking of law-making, one usually thinks of the activities of Congress or state legislatures. Students of law and government may also think of the rule-making activities of federal[2] or state[3] bureaucracies. More recently, some attention has been paid to the lawmaking power known as prosecutorial discretion (the decision of whether or for what crimes to charge a criminal defendant)[4] or judicial discretion in sentencing.[5] However, so far most of this work has been theoretical or, at best, anecdotal. Further, far less attention has been paid to the ubiquitous activities of the bureaucrat who must decide whether or not to take action in a particular case, though a few articles in law and political science recently have addressed the topic.

This study looks systematically at bureaucratic discretion in a particular case: that of the detection and substantiation of domestic elder abuse, but then generalizes to other fields that feature administrative discretion. As with some other agencies, the social services officials who decide whether or not to police elder abuse are constrained; they suffer from lack of money, understaffing, and occasionally a real confusion of roles.[6] Even with the best of intentions and the elder's interest at stake, the social services agency may be reluctant to enforce the law because they do not see a better situation for the elder.[7]

The law, as it is written, forbids abuse of dependent or vulnerable elders.[8] In the domestic (non-institutional) situation considered here, all states charge adult protective services investigators (usually a section of the state health and human services department) with collecting reports, investigating, and substantiating elder abuse.[9] If abuse is "founded,"[10] these written laws provide for criminal charges against the abuser,[11] services for the elderly victim,[12] appointment of a guardian,[13] and/or removal from the home situation.[14]

The law, as it is enforced, may require social service officials to act not only as distributors of adult protective services, but also, perhaps even in the same family, as child protectors. In child welfare investigations, the written rules require that families be kept together if at all possible consistent with the protection of the child.[15] No such rule or policy[16] keeps elders in their home situations. The alternative may be less familiar and less personal nursing home care, which the elder may vehemently not want.[17]

Furthermore, many of the field workers charged with doing the investigations were trained and hired originally to do child welfare work.[18] For them, Adult Protective Service (APS) investigations may be an unfamiliar and unwelcome additional duty, one that seems less attractive because children in trouble can be placed in happier situations and show real improvement,[19] while the elder will ultimately deteriorate and die sooner. Thus, the elder who has been abused may not get to a better place.[20]

Discretion given to legal agents, regardless of the type, proves integral to the phenomenon studied here. In our system of government, both the executive and judicial branches of government have opportunities to exercise discretion. Discretion, and concern about abuses of it, has concerned policy makers since the founding of the republic. For example, Marbury v. Madison,[21] one of the most important constitutional law cases, concerns the Presidential power to pardon, which gives virtually unlimited discretion to the chief executive.22

Judges have tremendous discretion over the cases they hear for their decisions are not reversed on appeal unless "clearly erroneous,"[22] arbitrary and "capricious,"[23] or based on "abuses of discretion."[24] Yet, the Federal sentencing guidelines were developed to constrain discretion in sentencing,[25] limiting federal sentencing judges to the twenty-five percent range allowed by the sentencing grid.[26] Even poverty lawyers must decide daily which of their many potential clients to represent at hearings, exercising discretion that will critically affect the lives of their clients.[27]

Prosecutorial discretion has been the focus of criticism and commentary for more than forty years.[28] A recent criticism by Angela Davis[29] notes that "prosecutors daily exercise practically unlimited discretion and engage in similar controversial investigative practices [to the independent counsel]."30 Davis asserts that such discretion leads to abuses based upon race and class,31 citing cases such as United States v. Armstrong,32 which based a selective prosecution claim on a study showing the government failed to prosecute non-black defendants for cocaine and crack-related offenses.33

Daniel Richman reviewed prosecutorial discretion using an administrative law perspective to understanding the enforcement bureaucracy.34 Richman notes that the ability of one U.S. Attorney's Office to take cases from another jurisdiction reduces the ability of each office to leverage its gate keeping power into control of those agencies' agendas.[34] Richman also discusses the "culture clash" between prosecutors and the investigative agents with whom they must work.[35] William Stuntz criticized the unfettered discretion of prosecutors (as opposed to judicial discretion) noting that the problem is caused because "strong legislative supremacy and strong prosecutorial discretion don't mix – they produce the kind of power imbalance that reinforces rather than corrects itself."[36]

Of course, though observations about prosecutorial discretion are instructive, the problem studied here is a bit different. The APS workers surveyed do not themselves handle the criminal cases, which are referred to local law enforcement.[37] The burden of proof for a "founded" case of elder abuse need not rise to the same level as the "beyond a reasonable doubt" standard required under the criminal system.[38] The focus is on protection of the elder and provision of services, not on retribution, deterrence, and other goals of the criminal justice system.[39] In fact, because the emphasis differs, APS workers have been criticized for failing to preserve evidence needed for subsequent criminal prosecutions.[40] This criticism leads to calls for teams of investigators, one member of which would be associated with the local law enforcement community.[41] Cooperation between social services and law enforcement is advantageous for the victim, but difficult for the professionals who are unlikely to master both a service plan and a crime focus during the investigation.[42]

Turning to a more generalized discussion of discretion, it should be noted that in 1987, Gary Bryner wrote that elaborate efforts designed to constrain discretion in regulatory agencies has become something like a national obsession, and has undermined the effectiveness of regulatory programs without decisively narrowing the scope of discretion.[43] He pointed out that the new requirements have elaborated on administrative law and procedure to ensure fairness to and participation by affective groups, that agencies have been required to perform extensive scientific and cost-benefit analyses to support their decisions, and that both Congress and the executive have intensified political oversight of agency rulemaking.[44] Meanwhile, he argued that although these changes have increased the costs and length of time required to navigate the administrative process, they have had no systematic effect on substantive policy.[45]

Moreover, political scientists raise two concerns about discretion.[46] First, administrators may use their discretion to limit access to benefits and protection.[47] Second, because decisions may be influenced by moral or political judgments, discretion may be used to discriminate or harm specific categories of clients.[48] For example, internal bureaucratic procedures play an important role in defining the right to information under Canadian freedom of information statutes.[49] Likewise, the "good cause" requirement allowing deviation from child support enforcement (in cases where the recipient fears abuse from the obligor or where the child had been conceived as the result of incest or rape)[50] allows discretion that is sensitive to political influences.[51] Discretion on how to spend money at local school district level allowed administrators to racially discriminate in hiring and in directing black students to less desirable educational programs.[52]

This study reveals both types of concerns mentioned by Keiser and Soss. First, despite the mandate of the statutes and regulations, the investigators apparently limited the protection available to some dependent elders where they were not convinced that the involvement of APS would benefit them.[53] Secondly, administrators who might be biased in favor of child protective services instead of APS, but who were assigned to do both, did not investigate or substantiate as many cases of elder abuse.[54] Though there is no access to the amounts spent in APS on the local level, it is certain that material resources play a strong role in shaping administrative performance.[55] Thus, because the administrators are acting under conditions of scarcity, they are pushed into a variety of strategies for conserving and rationing resources,[56] which translate into understaffing.[57] Overburdened workers distributing scarce resources may simply ignore clients' needs.

In a time of financial constraint, what goals have the highest priority? Where the goals of the supervising agency or legislature are obscure, those who implement them have great authority to do whatever they wish. Where they are set forth in legislation, rules, or directives, the bureaucrats implementing the goals will tend to follow these stated goals explicitly. State legislatures, and the bureaucrats who administer their programs, must pay careful attention to the messages they send about elder abuse. If protecting elders from abuse is in fact a priority, both levels of state government must send clear signals about how their goals are to be implemented. They must also decide on strategies: protective or preventative. Currently, most state governments apparently choose the protective strategy, which may not be what either the elders want nor what makes the investigators most comfortable. Policymakers must make their commitments and choices clear, both in terms of the wording of statutes and regulations and in terms of funding and personnel adequate for the task.

Methods

The collaborators on this study, after obtaining University of Iowa Institutional Review Board approval, employed two methods to obtain data involving domestic elder abuse at the local level: a mailed survey and a compilation of state elder abuse data. Data gathered for analysis included answers to a questionnaire from a caseworker in each APS office in the country, which differentiated investigative structure and investigator characteristics, and reports of the number of domestic elder abuse reports, investigations, and substantiations at the lowest reporting level for each state and the District of Columbia for 1999 or fiscal year 1999-2000.

Elder abuse data originally comes from an administrative office whose employees investigate allegations of elder abuse, and the state structure for each office varies.[58] There may be one office per county, as in Wisconsin; an office that covers more than one county, as in Iowa; an office that covers parts of counties, as in New Mexico; or an office that covers numerous cities in many counties, as in Massachusetts.[59] Data on elder abuse are collected using these different structures and this data is then compiled at the state level to generate an annual report.[60] Thus, the data generated may be at the county level, the city level, or a district level that has numerous counties or a part of a county.[61] When the term, "data at the lowest reporting level," is used, it denotes the elder abuse reports, investigations, and substantiations of investigations at whichever lowest reporting entity the state provided, based upon its individual system.

Elder Abuse Data

In November of 2000, the authors sent each state APS administrator a letter requesting specific data for this study. Data requested included the numbers of domestic elder abuse[62] reports, investigations, and substantiation of investigations at the lowest reporting entity for 1999 or fiscal year 1999-2000. The reporters were asked to omit institutional abuse numbers and numbers of abuse against people age 18-59 years of age.

All state APS administrators were contacted within two weeks of the initial letter. Georgia and North Dakota reported that they had no data to provide. Colorado provided data but was unsure of its accuracy. The Colorado data was ultimately not used in the study. Seven states provided data only at the statewide level: Alaska, Indiana, Michigan, Mississippi, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Vermont. States that provided data at the lowest reporting level did so at the county or district level. Twenty-five states provided data at the county level, and sixteen states provided data at the district level. Rhode Island was unable to provide self-neglect data; otherwise all states provided comprehensive numbers for abuse. The data collection process was completed in thirteen months, with an average of twenty-five telephone calls and a range of one to thirty-two calls per state to obtain the data.[63]

Questionnaire

The collaborators then mailed a survey designed to differentiate investigative structure and investigator characteristics. Prior to mailing, permission to conduct the survey was sought from each state's APS administrator. Forty-five of the states' administrators (forty-four states and the District of Columbia) provided permission. Montana's APS administrator allowed the survey to be sent only via email.

Five states (Michigan, Missouri, South Carolina, South Dakota, and Tennessee) did not grant permission for questionnaires to be sent to each local office. Three of those states (Michigan, Missouri, and Tennessee) completed one questionnaire representing all APS offices in the state. Data collected from these three states were not used in the final analysis. South Dakota offered to complete the questionnaires in a group meeting. However, this format was not acceptable to the study team. North Dakota could not participate because there were no adult protective service offices in the state.

The word "investigator" is used throughout this analysis. "Caseworker" or "APS worker" terms were usually avoided because the focus of the research was on the investigation of elder abuse and the questionnaire was about the investigations, not the provision of services. As noted previously, caseworkers and APS workers typically provide services in addition to investigating allegations.

Instrument

The research team developed a twenty-three-item questionnaire entitled "State Elder Abuse Investigations" for use in this study. Demographic items included respondent's position title, age, gender, length of employment in current position, level of education, and full-time or part-time work status. Other items pertained to investigations conducted by the agency, such as the use of abuse screens, the number of full-time equivalent investigators, and whether the agency offered and used a curriculum (that is, a formal program of instruction about elder abuse investigation).

The questionnaire underwent initial revisions following suggestions generated by the geriatric assessment clinic team (physicians, nurse practitioner, social worker, and nurse) and the research review team (University of Iowa Department of Internal and Family Medicine). The questionnaire was then pilot tested by ten social workers, each of whom work with elder and adult abuse investigations in the Iowa City, Iowa area. Following feedback from the social workers, the collaborators made final revisions to the survey.

Mailings and Telephone Follow-up

An APS director, supervisor, or investigator from each APS office was sent a questionnaire. The first mailing of 1,860 questionnaires resulted in a return of 728 surveys (thirty-nine percent). A second mailing was sent to those who had not yet returned the first survey. Of the 1,191 offices that received the second mailing, 366 (thirty-one percent) returned the survey. Following the second mailing, surveys from the first mailing were received, thus some APS offices inadvertently received a second mailing. Surveys returned from the second mailing were cross-referenced with those received from the first mailing. In cases of duplication, surveys returned from the first mailing were used. In total, 1,056 surveys (sixty percent) were returned by mail.

Twenty questionnaires were emailed from their administrator to investigators housed in different offices in Montana; eight were returned by email. A "reminder" questionnaire was emailed a month later to the twelve investigators who did not return the first questionnaire. None of the second emailed surveys were returned.

Two rounds of follow-up telephone calls were made to 701 offices that had not returned a questionnaire from either mailing. The first round of calls resulted in 216 completed surveys and the second round resulted in another 129 completions. During the telephone calling sessions, we realized that some offices had been redistricted, so the actual number of offices to receive the questionnaires was 1,763.

All three methods of data collection resulted in the completion of 1,409 questionnaires, for a final return rate of eighty percent. Survey response rates ranged from thirty-six percent in Utah to one-hundred percent in nine states.

Dependent and Independent Variables

There were four dependent variables for the initial analysis. The first three were rates: 1) elder abuse report rates, 2) investigation rates, and 3) substantiation rates. These rates were determined by dividing the number of reports, investigations, and substantiations, respectively, by the total elder population of the unit. The fourth dependent variable is the substantiation ratio, determined by dividing substantiations by investigations. Total elder population covered by the APS statute was sixty years and older for all states except California, Maryland, and Nebraska, where it was sixty-five years and older, and for Alabama, which was fifty-five years and older. Population data were obtained from the April 1, 2000 U.S. Census.[64] For this study, a "report" means an allegation of abuse received by APS.[65] An investigation is conducted once a report is received to evaluate the potential victim, and the report is substantiated if it is determined by the investigator that abuse actually existed (is founded) according to state law.

The independent (predictor) variables included questions from the survey regarding the investigative system, educational requirements, investigator characteristics, and demographic data. Investigative system items included whether or not the office used abuse screens,[66] whether the same person investigated abuse cases involving both children and adults, the number of full time equivalents investigating child and elder abuse allegations, the respondent's opinion about whether an elderly person is better off after intervention, and the respondent's opinion about whether elder abuse is reported and substantiated adequately. Educational requirement items included the department's curriculum for elder abuse evaluations and the length of any curriculum. Investigator characteristics items included the investigators' minimum academic level of education, the percent of investigators with education beyond the minimum requirements, and the investigators' area of educational training. Demographic items included respondent's position title, age, gender, length of employment in current position, level of education, and full-time or part-time work status. We also considered various district demographic variables, obtained from government web sites.

Analyses

This article looks at the effect of discretion and other variables on three outcomes: investigation rates, substantiation rates, and the ratio between the two, all measured at the local reporting unit level. To improve normality for formal analyses of the former two outcomes, a fourth-root transformation was applied to the investigation and substantiation rates, but this was not necessary for the ratio.

Simple Pearson correlations showed a significant (and negative) correlation between whether investigators considered both child and dependent adult abuse within their offices and whether they felt that elders were "usually better off" after adult protective services investigations.

In some ways, the discretion problem highlighted in this paper resembles the concerns that culminated in arguments for the Violence Against Women's Act (VAWA).[67] Its proponents argued that specific legislation was needed because the general public, police, prosecutors and judges underestimated the extent and effect of attacks directed against women. Because they did so, judges were apt to focus on the actions of the victim leading to abuse,[68] even when the criminal offense was proved and pronounced a sentence significantly less than the crime deserved.[69] The upshot was that, as a group or class, women were disadvantaged.[70] VAWA was designed as a clear statement from Congress, which made the criminality of abusers' actions manifest and authorized sufficient money and education for law enforcement to tackle the problem.[71]

Like partner violence, domestic abuse against the elderly tends to be ignored, blamed on the victim, or trivialized. Like violence by intimates, violence against the elderly is directed in the main against women.[72] Violence against the elderly is also, by definition, directed against those in positions of dependence.[73] Dependents are elsewhere specifically recognized when they are children[74] or disabled.[75] This paper considers whether adult protective service investigators, who are given great discretion under statutes and regulations, have incentives compatible with the interests of the elderly they serve. In particular, this paper investigates whether those who investigate both elder and child abuse receive hidden signals from lawmakers that elder abuse should not receive their highest priority.

Because of the high correlation between variables for "same investigator" and "whether the elder is usually better off," both variables were not included in any equation as independent variables: in those where both were looked at together, "usually better off" is considered as the endogenous variable.[76] In other words, it is treated as a function of other factors including whether investigators were specialized or whether they handled both child and elder abuse.

First, the report considered determinants of investigation rates. Two very simple models were conducted to see whether the discretion variables of interest were significantly related to the investigation rates. State effect was adjusted for here, as in all the regression models.[77] Both variables, in fact, were statistically significant at .01,[78] having the same investigator coefficient negative and "usually better off" positive (Table 2). These equations predicted .07 and .09 of the variance in the investigation rate, respectively.

Tables 3 and 4 show regressions designed to handle the correlation between these two variables and to allow other variables to be introduced. Table 3 displays the equation predicting whether or not the investigator who mailed the survey felt the elder was "usually better off" because of adult protective services. Having the same investigator handle both types of abuse, rather than specialize, again was significant and negative. Those who had worked for APS for long periods of time were also pessimistic about whether the elder usually profits from their services (significant at .028). The death rate from all alcohol-related causes in the reporting district, which are related to the actual abuse rate in the district, was negatively related to the "usually better off" variable (significant at .058), while the length of the formal elder abuse curriculum was positively related (though not achieving statistical significance).

The predicted probability of the investigator's feeling the elder was "usually better off" obtained from the preceding regression was used as an independent variable in Table 4, along with other variables, and was able to explain .118 of the variance in investigation rates. Here, too, it was significant and positive as expected: if the investigator was optimistic about the effect of the abuse on the elderly victim, the rate of investigations increased. Another expected (and significant) predictor was the child poverty rate, which tends to be related to the amount of abuse. Two predictors had surprising signs. The variable for health care providers per population was negative, but not significant. The value of elder abuse investigators per elderly population was negative and significant at the .08 level. These negative relationships might be related to a lower level of abuse: potential abusers might be deterred either because they feared more reporting because of more health care professionals (usually mandatory reporters) or more investigators, or perhaps both variables reflect increased funding for elder care issues generally, and so a lower level of abuse because of more services.

Similarly, simple and slightly more complicated regressions for the substantiation rates (Table 5) were conducted. The simplest regressions (Models 1 and 2), which included the state effects and the two discretion variables of interest, again showed significant relationships (negative for "same investigator" and positive for "elder usually better off"). This time, they predicted just under five percent of the variance in each result. Two additional equations considered the effect of having specialized (different) or the same investigators with the addition of other variables (Models 3 and 4). Both considered the effect of the formal elder abuse curriculum on the substantiation rate and, in both, this coefficient was significant and positive. Model 4 adds two additional variables, the elder poverty rate and the APS/elderly rate. The elder poverty rate is positive and significant, as one would suspect, since this is probably related to the amount of abuse itself or perhaps the general wealth in the state. The APS worker/population rate is negative and significant. Remember that this holds constant the effect of specialization in adult protective services: merely adding additional investigators does not apparently increase the substantiation rate. Again, this may be because of a deterrent effect, or may reflect the money generally available to support programs for the elderly.

Table 6, like Table 4, is a Two-Stage Least Squares regression using the predicted values for "elder usually better off" from Table 3, this time to predict substantiation rates. In this equation, the predicted value, state effect, the elder poverty rate and the rate of elder investigator/elderly population were variables of interest, and predicted .169 of the variance in substantiation rates. The predicted value, as expected, was positively and significantly related to the substantiation rate, as was the elder poverty rate. This time the rate of APS investigators was positive (though not significant).

Finally, Table 7 shows several models predicting the substantiation/investigation ratio, which might be described as APS efficiency. Models 1 and 2 again show the simple regressions for the same investigator and "elder usually better off." In neither of these was the discretion variable statistically significant. Model 3 therefore includes a number of other variables which are all positive and significant and together predict about ten percent of the variance in this ratio. These include the health care provider rate, the minimum academic requirements for the investigators, and the number of APS investigators/elderly population. The fact that there is a positive sign on this last variable means that hiring additional investigators does have a beneficial effect once the actual amount of abuse is controlled for (through the substantiation and investigation rates): it does make the investigations more efficient.

Discussion

There is evidence of a wide variation for report, investigation, and substantiation rates across states and among counties. There has not been a nationwide study suggesting that actual elder abuse, considered on its own, should vary from state to state or county to county. In an earlier study by investigators from the University of Iowa, Iowa county-level community characteristics related to higher rates of investigated or substantiated elder abuse.[79] These characteristics were population density, children in poverty, reported child abuse, and district effort.[80] Another investigator reported that in Massachusetts, areas with lower socioeconomic status of the older population, more community training of area professionals, higher agency service rating scores, and a lower community agency-protective service relationship score are more likely to have a higher rate of elder abuse reporting than affluent areas.[81] Our findings are certainly not inconsistent with these results.

Those respondents who perceived a person to be better off most of the time after investigation and intervention did have higher investigation and substantiation rates, signifying that investigator perceptions of efficacy do influence investigation and substantiation rates. If an investigator perceives that the elder will be helped, he or she is more likely to investigate and to find abuse.

The investigators' academic preparation as well as more training for their investigator role does seem to affect their efficiency to substantiate abuse (substantiation ratio). Specific training about elder abuse (what to look for and what should be done about it) apparently does have beneficial effects.

The only structural detail that predicted statistically significant higher investigation or substantiation rates was whether the reporting district used separate investigators for child and elder abuse cases. Those investigators only addressing elder abuse cases may acquire more experience and expertise about elder abuse than those investigating both child and elder abuse cases. Specialization thus leads to higher investigation and substantiation rates.

It is reasonable and cost effective to have one caseworker conducting investigations of both child and elder allegations of abuse when the population served is sparse and there is only one caseworker. It is evident from these findings that higher investigation and substantiation rates are possible for those investigators conducting only investigations of elder abuse rather than both child and elder abuse. These specialists in elder care will be more effective with more prior training in elder abuse.

Conclusion

In an era of shrinking state and local resources for domestic violence prevention and detection, governments face a critical question of how to best allocate scarce funds. This paper suggests some answers for treating family violence, and presents a model for evaluating other programs.

Some expensive programs produce very few results in terms of reporting, investigating, and substantiating elder abuse. For example, requiring a specific education or experience level (and therefore guaranteeing higher salaries) or even instituting an elder abuse-training program (expensive in terms of personnel required, record keeping and time taken off field work) made no statistical difference. It also appears to make no difference whether the APS program is administered on the state or local level, or whether the investigators used screening devices as opposed to a more gestalt approach.

However, three factors apparently do contribute significantly to investigator effectiveness. The first, whether the investigator believes that intervention makes elders better off, sounds like a psychological issue. It probably reflects, however, the placement and program alternatives the survey respondents had available. Money could perhaps be saved from reducing education or training requirements and spent instead on services such as respite care and homemaking services for the caretakers. This is the response suggested from his work with other types of family abusers by Wolfe.[82]

Another very significant group of results involved specialization for APS personnel. Holding constant state effects including laws and socioeconomic characteristics, workers who specialized in APS (rather than doing both child and adult investigations) consistently did significantly better. Similarly, those with longer (as opposed to merely token) training programs also had higher rates of investigation and substantiation. The policy recommendation seems clear. Instead of worrying about training all social workers to detect elder abuse, the resources should be concentrated on the social workers exclusively focusing on APS.

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics

 

N

Minimum

Maximum

Mean

Std. Deviation

Same Investigator Elder and Child

1393

0

1

.27

.443

Most Elders Better Off

1392

0

1

.69

.463

Length of Formal Elder Abuse Curriculum

825

1

6

3.97

1.188

Highest Academic Level

1395

1

7

3.00

.756

County High School Graduation Rate

1241

35.5

94.9

71.163

10.5637

Investigations Per Thousand Elders

1235

.0

150.0

6.132

8.2483

Substantiations Per Thousand Elders

1237

0

117

2.67

5.535

Ratio of Substantiations to Investigations

1196

.00

1.00

.3801

.28936

Health Care Providers Per Population

945

.00

.73

.0086

.03332

Elder Abuse Investigators Per Elderly Population

999

.0

13

.421

.8250

Valid N (listwise)

429

       

Table 2. Determinants of Investigation Rates.* **

Investigation Rate (4th Root)

Model 1 R2=.07

Model 2

R2=.09

     

State Effects

-.001 (.001)

-.001

(.001)

Same Investigator for Child and Elder Abuse

-.281

(.033)**

 

Investigator Feels Elderly Usually Better Off

 

.157

(.168)**

(Constant)

1.498

(.028) **

1.326

(.035)**


Table 3. Logistic Regression: Determinants of Whether Elder Usually Better Off, R2=.045 (pre_1)

 

B

S.E.

Sig.

Exp(B)

State Effect

.003

.006

.594

1.003

Same Investigator for Child and Elder Abuse

-.676

.207

.001

.509

Length of Employment of Respondent

-.002

.001

.028

.998

Alcohol Death Rate in County

-.013

.007

.058

.987

Length of Elder Abuse Curriculum

.126

.080

.118

1.134

Constant

1.272

.477

.008

3.570


Table 4. 2SLS Investigation Rates, Same Investigator is exogenous, as are

Length of Employment of Respondent, Alcoholism Rate, Length of Elder

Abuse Curriculum. R2=.118, system .360.

Variable

B

Standard Error

Beta

T

Sig. T

State Effect

.002310

.001365

.093958

1.692

.0915

Predicted "Elder Usually better Off"

1.025403

.407341

.225811

2.517

.0122

Elder Abuse Investigators Per Elderly Population

-.207023

.118453

-.339145

-1.748

.0813

Child Poverty Rate

.013347

.004305

.359201

3.100

.0021

Health Care Providers Per Population

-.830454

.626349

-.070670

-1.326

.1857

(Constant)

.479362

.365341

 

1.312

.1903


Table 5, Determinants of Substantiation Rates.* **

Substantiation Rate (4th Root)

Model 1 R2=.048

Model 2 R2=.049

Model 3 R2=.119

Model 4 R2=.210

Model 5 R2=.094

           

State Effect

.008

(.001)**

.008

(.001)**

.012

(.002)**

.026

(.003)**

.030

(.013)*

Same Investigator for Child and Adult

-.126 (046)**

 

-.128 (.053)**

-.507

(.140)**

 

Elder Usually Better Off

 

.134 (.041)**

   

.899

(.068)*

Elder Poverty Rate

     

.030

(.007)**

 

Child Poverty Rate

       

.049

(.023)*

Length of Curriculum on Elders

   

.082

(.020)**

.175

(.038)**

 

(Constant)

.711

(.040)**

.590

(.048)**

.283

(.095)**

-.545

(.194)**

-.536

(.676)


Table 6. 2SLS Determinants of Substantiation Rates Using Predicted Value from Table 3.

R2=.169, system .419

Variable

B

Standard Error

Beta

T

Sig. T

Predicted Value of "Thinks Usually Better Off"

1.757272

.429018

.268147

4.096

.0000

Over 65 Poverty Rate

.030002

.010514

.326505

2.854

.0045

Rate of Elder Investigators Per Elderly Population

.039021

.038265

.050238

1.020

.3083

State Effect

.015946

.001711

.389462

9.321

.0000

(Constant)

-1.180330

.412473

 

-2.862

.0044

Table 7. Determinants of Substantiation/Investigation Ratio.**

Coefficients

Model 1 R2=.057

Model 2

R2=.058

Model 3

R2=.103

State Effect

.004 (.001)**

.004

(.001)**

.005

(.001)**

Same Investigator for Elder and Child Abuse

 

.020

(.023)

 

Elder Usually Better Off

.025

(.020)

   

Health Care Provider Rate

   

.990

(.422)**

Length of Formal Elder Abuse Curriculum

   

.030

(.011)**

Minimum Academic Requirements

   

.030

(.017)*

Number of Elder Abuse Investigators/Elderly Population

   

.041

(.089)*

(Constant)

.236 (.023)**

.249

(.019)**

-.045

(.074)

*To improve normality, a fourth-root transformation was applied to the investigation and substantiation rates.

**Standard errors are indicated in parentheses. + denotes significance at .10. * denotes significance at .05. ** denotes significance at .01.



[1] College of Law, Department of Family Medicine, and Department of Public Health, University of Iowa. Many thanks to the research assistants who collected census data for this project. They include Nicholas Keppel and Sarah Koehler. Stephanos Bibas provided substantial advice and guidance.

[2] See B.J. Sanford, Midnight Regulations, Judicial Review, and the Formal Limits of Presidential Rulemaking, 78 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 782, 782 (2003) (arguing that it is illegal for administrative agencies to delay implementation of directives promulgated by outgoing presidents at the request of a new president; further, these delays offer the judiciary a rare chance to review presidential rulemaking); see also William D. Araiza, Judicial and Legislative Checks on Ex Parte OMB Influence over Rulemaking, 54 Admin. L. Rev. 611, 612 (2002) (discussing what the author calls "a troubling aspect of the administrative process, the practice of ex parte Office of Management and Budget (OMB) participation in rulemaking," and "the potential for judicial and legislative checks on that participation"); Stephanie Stern, Cognitive Consistency: Theory Maintenance and Administrative Rulemaking, 63 U. Pitt. L. Rev. 589, 591 (2002) (analyzing consistency theory in federal rulemaking and arguing that "notice and comment rulemaking actually diminishes genuinely effective public input by encouraging agency 'lock-in,' . . . through premature commitment to a proposal").

[3] See e.g. Donna E. Blanton, State Agency Rulemaking Procedures and Rule Challenges, 75 Fla. B. J. 34, 34 (2001) (discussing the recent struggles between the state legislature and the courts in trying to regulate administrative agencies and impose on them a duty to treat their policies as rules and apply those rules consistently); Arthur E. Bonfield, The Quest for an Ideal State Administrative Rulemaking Procedure, 18 Fla. St. U. L. Rev. 617, 617 (1991) (arguing that state agencies should implement policies that are based on "comprehensive rationality", in that they are "politically acceptable, technically sound, lawful and fair"); William Funk, Rationality Review of State Administrative Rulemaking, 43 Admin. L. Rev. 147, 153-160 (1991).

[4] See generally Greg Farrell, Stewart Charged, Steps Down, USA Today B1 (June 5, 2003) (available at 2003 WLNR 6065728). A recent incident involves the charging and indictment of Martha Stewart for securities fraud, and various criminal charges allegedly resulting from attempting to cover up this activity. Id.

[5] James R. Wolf, Inherent Rulemaking Authority of an Independent Judiciary, 56 U. Miami L. R. 507, 507 (2002) (discussing the usurpation by the Florida legislature of the Florida Supreme Court's rulemaking authority over the judicial branch through recent legislation and questioning whether the Supreme Court should assert its inherent control over the judicial branch).

[6] See e.g. Gannett News Service, Fixing a Broken Foster Care System, Iowa City Press-Citizen A7 (June 18, 2003).

[7] David A. Wolfe, Elder Abuse Intervention: Lessons from Child Abuse and Domestic Violence Initiates, in Elder Mistreatment: Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation in an Aging America 501, 513 (Richard J. Bonnie & Robert B Wallace eds., National Academics Press 2003) (noting that "the dominant theme in most services to maltreating families remains that of protection, not treatment. This conundrum leaves inadequate services available to the larger number of parents who are at risk of child abuse or neglect and who could benefit the most from early intervention.").

[8] See Cal. Penal Code Ann. § 368 (LEXIS 2005):

(a) The Legislature finds and declares that crimes against elders and dependent adults are deserving of special consideration and protection, not unlike the special protections provided for minor children, because elders and dependent adults may be confused, on various medications, mentally or physically impaired, or incompetent, and therefore less able to protect themselves, to understand or report criminal conduct, or to testify in court proceedings on their own behalf.

(b)(1) Any person who knows or reasonably should know that a person is an elder or dependent adult and who, under circumstances or conditions likely to produce great bodily harm or death, willfully causes or permits any elder or dependent adult to suffer, or inflicts thereon unjustifiable physical pain or mental suffering, or having the care or custody of any elder or dependent adult, willfully causes or permits the person or health of the elder or dependent adult to be injured, or willfully causes or permits the elder or dependent adult to be placed in a situation in which his or her person or health is endangered, is punishable by imprisonment in a county jail not exceeding one year, or by a fine not to exceed six thousand dollars ($6,000), or by both that fine and imprisonment, or by imprisonment in the state prison for two, three, or four years.

See also N.Y. Penal Law § 260.34 (Consol. 2005) providing:

A person is guilty of endangering the welfare of a vulnerable elderly person in the first degree when, being a caregiver for a vulnerable elderly person:
1. With intent to cause physical injury to such person, he or she causes serious physical injury to such person; or
2. He or she recklessly causes serious physical injury to such person.
Endangering the welfare of a vulnerable elderly person in the first degree is a class D felony.

[9] See e.g. Del. Code Ann. tit. 31, §§ 3904(1), (6) (2005); N.M. Stat. Ann. § 27-7-19(A) (2005); see also National Center on Elder Abuse, State Elder Abuse Laws, http://www.elderabusecenter.org/default.cfm?p=statelaws.cfm#finding (last updated July 14, 2005) (for a complete list with citations); Margaret F. Brinig et al., The Public Choice of Elder Abuse Law, 33 J. Leg. Stud. 517, 520 (2004) (discussing the origin of the laws, and the effects of the legislation and regulations on investigations, substantiations, and bureaucratic efficiency); Gerald F. Jogerst et al., Required Elder Abuse Education for Iowa Mandatory Reporters, 15 J. Elder Abuse & Neglect 59, app. A, 72-73 (2003) (listing the mandatory reporting laws in Iowa).

[10] See e.g. Iowa Code Ann. § 235B.9(1) (West 2005) "Dependent adult abuse information which is determined by a preponderance of the evidence to be founded, shall be sealed ten years after the receipt of the initial report of such abuse by the registry unless good cause is shown why the information should remain open to authorized access." Id.

[11] See e.g. Conn. Gen. Stat. Ann. § 17b-460 (West 2005). "If as the result of any investigation . . . a determination is made that a caretaker or other person has abused, neglected, exploited or abandoned an elderly person, such information shall be referred in writing to the appropriate office of the state's attorney, which shall conduct such further investigation, if any is deemed necessary and shall determine whether criminal proceedings should be initiated." Id.

[12] See e.g. Regs Conn. State Agencies § 17b-461-1(j) (2005) (defining "Protective Services" as the provision of "services necessary to prevent abuse, neglect, exploitation, or abandonment"); Del. Code Ann. tit. 31, § 3904(b) (2005) (stating protective services include, among other things, "social casework," maintenance in own home through provision of home health care, and assistance "in obtaining out-of-home services such as respite care, emergency housing and placement in a rest-residential home.").

[13] See e.g. Conn. Gen. Stat. Ann. § 17b-456(a) (West 2005). "If the Commissioner of Social Services finds that an elderly person is being abused, neglected, exploited or abandoned and lacks capacity to consent to reasonable and necessary protective services, he may petition the Probate Court for appointment of a conservator . . . ." Id.

[14] See e.g. Del. Code Ann. tit. 31, § 3903(f) (2005). "The Department shall make continuing provisions in each county for the shelter of those persons who are determined to be in temporary need of such protection pursuant to . . . this title. In providing this service, the Department may utilize existing resources such as state institutions; it may contract for bed space in private facilities; and it may utilizes the resources of rest (family care and residential) homes for those clients not requiring medical care." Id.

[15] Adoption and Safe Families Act, Pub. L. No. 105-89, 111 Stat. 2115 (1997) (amending 42 U.S.C. §§ 671, 675, 473A, 1320a-9, and 629a ); "[R]easonable efforts" to reunify the family will not be necessary where the child has been subjected to aggravated circumstances, as defined by state law, and including abandonment, torture, chronic abuse and sexual abuse, or where the parental rights with respect to a sibling have been terminated involuntarily. Adoption and Safe Families Act, Pub. L. No. 105-89, § 101(a), 111 Stat. 2115 (1997) (amending 42 U.S.C. § 671); States must initiate or join proceedings to terminate parental rights when children have been in foster care for 15 months of the most recent 22 months, unless the child is being cared for by a relative, the State documents a compelling reason for determining that filing a termination petition would not be in the best interests of the child, or the State has failed to provide to the child's family such services as the state deems appropriate. Adoption and Safe Families Act, Pub. L. No. 105-89, § 103(a), 111 Stat. 2115 (1997) (amending 42 U.S.C. § 675); see also Carl E. Schneider & Margaret F. Brinig, An Invitation to Family Law: Principles, Process, and Perspectives 1004-1006 (2d ed., West Group 2000); Marcia Lowery, Foster Care & Adoption Reform Legislation: Implementing the Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997, 14 St. John's J. Leg. Comment 447, 449 (2000) (arguing that child welfare and adoption standards are interpreted as if there could be a single set of standards to govern all cases; the author argues that the correct results could differ widely based on the facts in each case, from the child staying with the family, to temporary removal, to permanent adoption, and that child welfare statutes should reflect the possibilities of different results).

[16] Troxel v. Granville, 530 U.S. 57, 68-72 (2000) (holding there is a constitutionally supported presumption that parents serve their children's best interests and finding that state and third parties cannot interfere with the decisions about visitation made by a fit parent acting in an intact family because of parental autonomy); Parham v. J.R., 442 U.S. 584, 602-603, 618-619 (1979) (holding there is a constitutionally supported presumption that parents serve their children's best interests and no need for a pre-commitment hearing involving substantial due process protection when parents "voluntarily commit" a child to a psychiatric institution); see also Kilgrow v. Kilgrow, 107 So. 2d 885, 889 (Ala. 1958) ("It would be anomalous to hold that a court of equity may sit in constant supervision over a household and see that either parent's will and determination in the upbringing of a child is obeyed, even though the parents' dispute might involve what is best for the child."); see generally Margaret F. Brinig, Troxel and the Limits of Community, 32 Rutgers L.J. 733 (2001).

[17] Jonathan Riskind & Lee Leonard, State Might Narrow Scope of Nursing- Home Abuse Suits, Columbus Dispatch A1 (Mar. 5, 2002) (quoting Helen Love, who suffered abuse in a nursing home in California: "'All my life, I have feared being neglected in a nursing home, and now I know what it is like . . . I don't want anyone else to suffer like this.'").

[18] Wolfe, supra n. 7, at 501 ("Efforts to understand and deal with abuse of the elderly by family members or other caregivers are reminiscent of where the study of child abuse and woman abuse was 20 years ago.").

Certainly protection against child abuse has a much longer history. For example, not a great deal of attention has been paid to elder abuse in regard to the development of preventive strategies or the systematic collection of data, and it was not until 2002 that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention convened a panel of experts to address the issue of elder mistreatment. See Eben M. Ingram, Expert Panel Recommendations on Elder Mistreatment Using a Public Health Framework, 15 J. Elder Abuse & Neglect 45, 46, 51 (2003).

[19] Wolfe, supra n. 7, at 507; see also Margaret F. Brinig, Moving toward a First-Best World: Minnesota's Position on Multiethnic Adoptions, 28 Wm. Mitchell L. Rev. 553, 554 (2001) (exploring the reasons behind Minnesota's decision to favor racial matching in adoption placements despite federal legislation requiring states to ignore race in favor of swifter permanent placement of children).

[20] See Jan McCarthy et al., A Family's Guide to the Child Welfare System § 10, 94 (2003) (available at www.cwla.org/childwelfare/fg10.pdf). The goal of the child welfare system is to put children in a better place, according to the Child Welfare League. Id.

[21] 5 U.S. 137, 165-166 (1803).

22 Mark Strasser, The Limits of the Clemency Power on Pardons, Retributivists, and the United States Constitution, 41 Brandeis L.J. 85, 148 (2002) (exploring the nature and scope of the presidential pardoning power and concluding that some pardon challenges are justiciable questions and that the slight limitations to the pardoning power may be just enough to prevent abuses).

[22] See e.g. Blakely v. Washington, 542 U.S. 296, 124 S. Ct. 2531, 2535 (2004) (sentencing under Washington law).

[23] See e.g. Dept. of Transp. v. Public Citizen, 541 U.S. 752, 763 (setting aside decision of agency not to prepare an environmental impact statement).

[24] See e.g. Ashcroft v. ACLU, 542 U.S. 656, 124 S. Ct. 2783, 2788 (2004) (issuing a preliminary injunction under Child Online Protection Act).

[25] Mark Osler, Must Have Got Lost: Traditional Sentencing Goals, the False Grail of Uniformity and Process, and the Way Back Home, 54 S.C. L. Rev. 649, 655-657 (2003) (arguing that the Federal Sentencing Guidelines and the use of fact-finding during sentencing have forced judges to ignore the traditional goals behind the imposition of prison sentences).

[26] Id. at 675-676.

[27] Anthony V. Alfieri, Impoverished Practices, 81 Geo. L.J. 2567 (1993) (critiquing the widespread use of discretion and ethical judgment by poverty lawyers in case selection and strategy in poverty in law cases).

[28] Evelyn J. Body, Whose Public? Parochialism and the Paternalism in State Charity Law Enforcement, 79 Ind. L.J. 937, 948 (2004). Nearly forty years ago, Kenneth Karst observed and stated, "[T]his is by no means an indictment of our attorneys general, [but] any high political official may be expected to approach rather cautiously the investigation of charges that respectable trustees are guilty of wrongdoing or even mismanagement." Kenneth L. Karst, The Efficiency of the Charitable: An Unfulfilled State Responsibility, 73 Harv. L. Rev. 433, 478-479 (1960).

[29] Angela J. Davis, The American Prosecutor: Independence, Power, and the Threat of Tyranny, 86 Iowa L. Rev. 393 (2001).

30 Id. at 397 (comparing the powers, practices, and policies of the independent counsel with those of ordinary state and federal prosecutors and concluding that that any distinctions between Kenneth Star's alleged abuses during his investigation of President Clinton and the activities of normal prosecutors are illusory); see also James Vorenberg, Decent Restraint of Prosecutorial Power, 94 Harv. L. Rev. 1521, 1560-1572 (1981) (suggesting a need to reexamine the broad and casual acceptance of prosecutorial discretion and arguing that the current scope of discretion is unjustifiably broad not only in terms of the principles of fairness, equity, and accountability on which our system of criminal justice is based, but also in terms of those considerations thought by the supporters of prosecutorial discretion to justify its existence).

31 Angela J. Davis, Prosecution and Race: The Power and Privilege of Discretion, 67 Fordham L. Rev. 13 (1998) (examining prosecutorial discretion as a cause of racial inequality in the criminal justice system and arguing the prosecutors make decisions that contribute to the discriminatory treatment of African Americans as both criminal defendants and victims of crime).

32 Davis, supra n. 31, at 31 (citing United States v. Armstrong, 517 U.S. 456, 470 (1996)).

33 Armstrong, 517 U.S. at 469.

34 Daniel Richman, Prosecutors and Their Agents, Agents and Their Prosecutors, 103 Colum. L. Rev. 749, 750 (2003) (showing how the iterated interactions between agents [police] and prosecutors will affect investigative and adjudicative decision-making and the allocation of enforcement resources and suggesting that the distinctive incentives of prosecutors and agents can most productively be harmonized if the two enforcement elements are seen as mutually monitoring members of a working group).

[34] Id. at 760.

[35] Id. at 789-791. This may be true of the Adult Protective Services workers described here as well, though such an investigation is beyond the scope of the present study. See id.

[36] William J. Stuntz, Reply: Criminal Law's Pathology, 101 Mich. L. Rev. 828, 839 (2002) (arguing that prosecutorial discretion cannot simply be abolished, and even were it possible, abolition would probably do more harm than good. But prosecutorial power can be reined in, by reining in substantive criminal law).

[37] See Conn. Gen. Stat. Ann. § 17b-460. "If, as the result of any investigation . . . a determination is made that a caretaker or other person has abused, neglected, exploited or abandoned an elderly person, such information shall be referred in writing to the Chief of State's Attorney or the Chief State's Attorney's designee who shall conduct such further investigation, if any, as deemed necessary and shall determine whether criminal proceedings should be initiated . . . ." Id.

[38] See Donna Coker, Enhancing Autonomy for Battered Women: Lessons From Navajo Peacemaking, 47 UCLA L. Rev. 1, 58 (1999) (protective orders in domestic violence cases).

[39] See e.g. People v. Farrar, 419 N.E.2d 864, 865-866 (N.Y. 1981); see generally Michael J. Stacchini, Note, Nichols v. United States: Narrowing The Sixth Amendment Guarantee To Counsel, 75 B.U. L. Rev. 1233, 1252-1253 (1995); Jeffrey N. Hurwitz, House Arrest: A Critical Analysis Of An Intermediate-Level Penal Sanction, 135 U. Pa. L. Rev. 771, 778-779 (1987).

[40] Lucy S, McGough, Children as Victims and Witness in the Criminal Trial Process: Good Enough for Government Work: The Constitutional Duty to Preserve Forensic Interviews of Child Victims, 65 L. & Contemp. Probs. 179, 193 (2002).

[41] Wolfe, supra n. 7, at 512.

[42] See generally B.K. Payne, B.L. Berg & J. Toussaint, The Police Response to the Criminalization of Elder Abuse: An Exploratory Study, 24 Policing: An Intl. J. of Police Strategies & Mgt. 605 (2001).

[43] Gary C. Bryner, Bureaucratic Discretion: Law and Policy in Federal Regulatory Agencies, 2 (Pergamon Press 1987).

[44] See id.

[45] See id. at 117-118.

[46] Lael R. Keiser & Joe Soss, With Good Cause: Bureaucratic Discretion and the Politics of Child Support Enforcement, 42 Am. J. Pol. Sci. 1133, 1134 (1998) (finding that use of the good cause exception which allows a custodial parent to refuse to seek child support was "systemically affected by partisan control of state governments, the values of state administrators, the funding decisions of elected officials, and the levels of demand on the bureaucracy").

[47] Id. (citing Michael Lipsey, Bureaucratic Disentitlement in Social Welfare Programs, 58 Soc. Serv. Rev. 3, 3-5 (1984)).

[48] Id. (citing Yaheskel Hasenfeld, Power in Social Work Practice, 61 Soc. Serv. Rev. 469 (1987); Gideon Sjoberg et al, Bureaucracy and the Lower Class, 50 Soc. & Soc. Res. 325 (1966)).

[49] Alasdair Roberts, Administrative Discretion and the Access to Information Act: An "Internal Law" on Open Government, 45 Canadian Pub. Admin. 175 (2002) (finding that requests for government information from the media or political parties are subject to longer delays and tougher decisions on disclosure).

[50] See 42 U.S.C. § 602(a)(7) (2003); see also Naomi Stern, Battered by the System: How Advocates Against Domestic Violence have Improved Victims' Access to Child Support and TANF, 14 Hastings L.J. 47, 49 (2003).

[51] Keiser and Soss, supra n. 35, at 1147.

[52] Kenneth J. Meier et al., The Politics of Discretion: Educational Access as an Urban Service, 35 Am. J. Political Sci. 155, 163, 168-174 (1991) (arguing that black student access to educational opportunities increases with the increased hiring and appointment of black school board members, administrators, and teachers).

[53] Infra tbls. 2, 5.

[54] Infra tbls. 2, 5.

[55] Charles Barrilleaux et al., Measuring and Comparing American States' Administrative Characteristics, 24 St. & Loc. Govt. Rev. 12, 15, 17 (1992).

[56] Michael Lipsky, Street-Level Bureaucracy: Dilemmas of the Individual in Public Services, 81, 87 (Russell Sage Foundation 1980).

[57] Jeffrey Manditch Prottas, People-Processing: The Street Level Bureaucrat in Public Service Bureaucracies, 127 (Lexington Books 1979); Lynn Okamoto, House Panel Oks Budget-Cutting Bill: Local Governments, Children's Advocates Not Happy, Des Moines Register B5 (April 23, 2003).

[58] University of Iowa, Elder Abuse, http://www.uihealthcare.com/depts/med/ familymedicine/research/elderabusestates.html (last modified Jan. 21, 2003).

[59] Id.

[60] Id.

[61] Id.

[62] Id. This included all types of abuse such as physical abuse, exploitation, neglect, sexual abuse, abandonment, emotional abuse, and any other categories specified in state law. Id.

[63] See Gerald J. Jogerst et al., Domestic Elder Abuse and the Law, 93 Am. J. Pub. Health 2131, 2133 (2003).

[64] U.S. Census Bureau, Selected Age Groups: 2000, http://www.census.gov select United States Census 2000 Summary File 1 (last revised August 4, 2004).

[65] Reports are not studied or discussed in this paper, but are discussed in other work of the collaborators.

[66] For example, the Maine Partners for Elder Protection website includes the following:

A combination of paper and electronic brief screens administered during routine medical appointments will identify patients 60 years and older that are at risk of elder abuse, neglect, or exploitation. An elder care specialist will assess and respond to patient need. Education workshops and information will be provided to community sites through the project.

University of Maine Center on Aging, Maine Partners for Elder Protection Project (MePEP) ¶2, http://www.umaine.edu/mainecenteronaging/mepep.htm (last accessed Sept. 26, 2005).

[67] Pub. L. No. 103-322, § 40121, 108 Stat. 1796 (1994) (amending 42 U.S.C. § 3796gg(b)(2)). The Supreme Court struck down the VAWA, finding the civil remedy portion of the statute exceeded Congress' legislative authority under the Commerce Clause. U.S. v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598, 627 (2000).

[68] Sen. Rpt. 103-138 at 38 (Sept. 10, 1003). Senator Biden, in introducing The Violence Against Women Act to the 103d Cong., 1st Sess., explained:

It's goals are both symbolic and practical/ the act is intended to educate the public and those within the justice system against the archaic prejudices that blame women for the beatings and the rapes they suffer; to the women the support and assurance that their attackers will be prosecuted; and to ensure that the focus of criminal proceedings will concentrate on the conduct of the attacker rather than the conduct of the victim.

Id.

[69] Id. "The Violence Against Women Act is intended to respond both to the underlying attitude that this violence is somehow less serious than other crime and to the resulting failure of our criminal justice system to address such violence." Id.

[70] Senator Biden continued: "It is time for attacks motivated by gender basis to be considered as serious as crimes motivated by religious, racial, or political bias. The provision's purpose is to provide an effective anti-discrimination remedy for violently expressed gender prejudice." Id.

[71] 42 U.S.C. § 3796gg(b) (2005) provides in pertinent part:

Grants under this subchapter shall provide personnel, training, technical assistance, data collection and other equipment for the more widespread apprehension, prosecution, and adjudication of persons committing violent crimes against women, and specifically, for the purpose of-

(1) training law enforcement officers, judges, other court personnel, and prosecutors to more effectively identify and respond to violent crimes against women, including the crimes of sexual assault, domestic violence, and dating violence;

(2) developing, training, or expanding units of law enforcement officers, judges, other court personnel, and prosecutors specifically targeting violent crimes against women, including the crimes of sexual assault and domestic violence . . . .

[72] Elder violence tends to be directed against women because they make up such a large percentage of those old enough to become dependent: Number of Men per 100 Women by Age, for the 65 and Over Population: 1990 and 2000

Age 1990 2000

65 years and over 67 70

65-74 78 82

75-84 60 65

85 years and over 39 41

U.S. Census Bureau, Age Groups and Sex: 2000, http://www.census.gov; select United States Census 2000 Summary File 1 (last revised August 4, 2004); U.S. Census Bureau, Age and Sex for the Total Population: 1990, http://www.census.gov; select United States Census 2000 Summary File 1 (last revised August 4, 2004).

[73] Many elder abuse statutes specifically focus prosecutions on those who abuse "dependent and vulnerable" adults, not just people who are over a certain age. For example, Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 209.020 (LEXIS 2005) defines "Adult [in need of protection]" as:

(a) A person eighteen (18) years of age or older, who because of mental or physical disfunction, is unable to manage his own resources or carry out the activity of daily living or protect himself from neglect, or a hazardous or abusive situation without assistance from others, and who may be in need of protective services.

Miss. Code Ann. § 43-47-5(m) (2005) provides that:

"Vulnerable adult" shall mean a person eighteen (18) years of age or older or any minor not covered by the Youth Court Act who is present in the state and who, regardless of residence, is unable to protect his or her own rights, interests, and/or vital concerns and who cannot seek help without assistance because of physical, mental or emotional impairment.

[74] Legislation and cases protecting children frequently mention that juveniles are in a more vulnerable position than adults and need more compassion, understanding, and special treatment. See DeShaney v. Winnebago Co. Dept. Soc. Servs., 489 U.S. 189 (1989); Bellotti v. Baird, 443 U.S. 662, 633-39 (1978) (vulnerability and therefore need of special treatment of children who are pregnant); Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act, 104 Pub. L. No. 193, 104th Cong., 2d Sess. (1996) (establishing the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Program); the Adoption and Safe Families Act, Pub. L. No. 105-89, 111 Stat. 2115 (codified as amended, 42 U.S.C. §§ 671, 675, 473A, 1320a-9. 629a (1994 & Supp. V 1995-2000); Elizabeth S. Scott, The Legal Construction of Adolescence, 29 Hofstra L. Rev. 547, 547 (2000) ("American lawmakers have had relatively clear images of childhood and adulthood--adulthood--images that fit with our conventional notions. Children are innocent beings, who are dependent, vulnerable, and incapable of making competent decisions. Several aspects of the legal regulation of childhood are based on this account.").

[75] See e.g. 42 U.S.C. §§ 12101, 12111-12117 (2005) (prohibiting discrimination in employment); Alexander v. Choate, 469 U.S. 287, 295 (1985) (discussing the perception held by Congress that discrimination against the handicapped is often the result of thoughtlessness and indifference); Peter David Blanck & Mollie Weighner Marti, Attitudes, Behavior and the Employment Provisions of the Americans with Disabilities Act, 42 Vill. L. Rev. 345, 368-369 (1997) (examining emerging empirical information related to attitudes and behavior under Title I of the Americans with Disabilities Act and discussing the implications of the findings for future policymaking and implementation in this area); Catherine J. Ross, From Vulnerability to Voice: Appointing Counsel for Children in Civil Litigation, 64 Fordham L. Rev. 1571, 1606-1607 (1996) ("Vulnerable groups – including children, persons with special needs, and those with mental disabilities – like other disadvantaged groups in our society, may require special consideration from the courts in order to realize their rights. Therefore, courts have held that certain classes of vulnerable persons require special services tailored to their differing abilities in order to level the playing field and assure that access to the courts is truly meaningful").

For studies of the over-inclusion of disabled children among the abused, see Margaret F. Brinig & F.H. Buckley, Parental Rights and the Ugly Duckling, 1 J. L. & Fam. Stud. 41, 45, 52 (1999) (finding that victims of abuse are often different from other children, either because they are disabled or in need of ongoing care); William A. Friedrich & Jerry A. Boriskin, The Role of the Child in Abuse: A Review of the Literature, 46 Am. J. Orthopsych. 580, 583-584 (1976) (reporting that twenty-five to fifty-five percent of abused children in various studies were classified as mentally retarded); William N. Friedrich & Allison J. Einbender, The Abused Child: A Psychological Review, 12 J. Clinical Child Psychol., 244, 246-248 (1983) (discussing higher rates of abuse among disabled children); Lawrence E. Frisch & Frances A. Rhoades, Child Abuse and Neglect in Children Referred for Learning Evaluation, 15 J. Learning Disabilities 583, 584 (1982) (finding three times the expected number of abused children found in a learning disabled population in Hawaii); Elizabeth Krents et al., Child Abuse and the Disabled Child: Perspectives for Parents, 89 The Volta Review 78, 83 (1987); Roger White et al., Physical Disabilities as Risk Factors for Child Maltreatment: A Selected Review, 57 Am. J. Orthopsych. 93, 96 (1987) (revealing birth weight and mental and physical condition are associated with the risk of maltreatment); see generally Sharon R. Morgan, Abuse and Neglect of Handicapped Children 52-53 (College-Hill Press 1987); Robert E. Emery & Lisa Laumann-Billings, An Overview of the Nature, Causes, and Consequences of Abusive Family Relationships: Toward Differentiating Maltreatment and Violence, 53 Am. Psychologist 121, 126-127 (1998) (discussing a number of risk factors that increase the risk of family violence).

[76] That is, we thought it likely that being an investigator in both types of cases influenced whether the reporter felt the elder would usually be better off as a result of the intervention.

[77] There might be other aspects typical to a particular state that influenced the results. To account for this, the general profile for any given state was treated as a variable (and held constant).

[78] This means that there was less than one chance out of 100 that our result occurred by chance.

[79] Gerald J. Jogerst et al., Community Characteristics Associated with Elder Abuse, 48 J. Am. Geriatrics Soc. 513 (2000) (finding, among other things, that the child abuse rate and the proportion of children in poverty were good predictors of elder abuse).

[80] Id.

[81] Rosalie S. Wolf & Donglin Li, Factors Affecting the Rate of Elder Abuse Reporting to a State Protective Services Program, 39 The Gerontologist 222, 226 (1999) (finding a correlation between higher rates of reporting and lower socioeconomic status, more training programs, and poorer relationships between community agencies and the population served).

[82] Wolfe, supra n. 7, at 516-517.


 
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Emily's Q.'s Story: Using Medicaid Litigation to Expand Positive Behavior Interventions for Children in the Mental Health System
By Melinda Bird[1]

Please Note: You can easily jump to any citation in this article by clicking on citation numbers within the article's text.

In 1998, child advocates in California filed suit seeking access to intensive, community-based mental health services for low-income children. Like similar lawsuits brought in more than a dozen states,[2] the California litigation, known as Emily Q. v. Bontá, is based on special protections for children in the federal Medicaid Act. Emily Q. has focused on securing behavior intervention support and one-to-one behavior aides. These services hold great promise as a Medicaid-funded, community-based intervention for children and youth whose troubled behavior would otherwise condemn them to restrictive institutional placements in mental hospitals and residential facilities. The federal court entered a permanent injunction and final judgment in Emily Q. in 2001,[3] but three years later, poor implementation and declining utilization led the court to extend its jurisdiction and appoint a special master to monitor compliance with the judgment. Because the barriers to compliance raised in the Emily Q. litigation are unfortunately representative of larger problems in California's juvenile mental health system, broader systemic reform may be necessary to resolving the case and ensuring that children obtain the services to which they are entitled.

Another aspect of the Emily Q. litigation is the fate of the child plaintiffs on whose behalf the suit was filed. While they begin as plaintiffs and class members, children may out-grow their legal entitlement to services and eligibility under the class definition long before any real reform is achieved. The youngsters whose suffering and mistreatment prompted the litigation will not experience any benefits unless their advocates and attorneys are persistent and attend to their needs as well as those of the class. In the case of Emily Q. herself, when she became too old to qualify for assistance under the lawsuit that bore her name, advocates undertook a new strategy based on special education entitlements which finally provided the means for her to return to the community with all the services she needs.

Emily's story

In 1997, disability advocates visiting Metropolitan State Hospital, a locked mental hospital in Los Angeles, met Emily.[4] She was nearly eighteen and had been living in mental health institutions for more than half her life.[5] This young, Latino woman had been exposed to drugs and alcohol before birth and was physically and sexually abused by her mother and in her first foster home placement.[6] At age five, she was placed in a residential facility and had her first psychiatric hospitalization age at six.[7] She was moved from facility to facility and repeatedly hospitalized until age nine, when she was sent to a state mental hospital.[8] Discharged briefly again at age thirteen, she was placed in Los Angeles County's infamous foster care shelter – MacLaren Children's Center - and then placed again at the state hospital at age fourteen, where she remained.[9]

The state employees who work at Metropolitan State Hospital reported that Emily was violent, self-abusive and not amenable to treatment. Their response was to forcibly restrain her and place her in a seclusion room, and to deny her all privileges such as community outings or even school attendance.[10] When she was considered "safe" enough to leave her ward to attend the hospital's on-ground school, she was frequently so over-medicated that she would fall asleep, yawning, at her desk.[11] The U.S. Department of Justice eventually found that the hospital's frequent use of seclusion, physical, and chemical restraint violated professional standards for hospitals of its kind. [12] Emily had been subjected to these practices for eight years.

Emily explained to her advocates that it was her isolation and frustration with confinement that made her act out.[13] She feared that the longer she remained at the state hospital, the more difficult it would be for her to have a normal life: "I am terrified that I might end up here forever."[14] Advocates wanted to help her, but the consensus of every mental health professional that had treated her up to that point was that her behavior was so assaultive, self-injurious and unmanageable that she had no hope of living outside an institution. What options did Emily have?

California's Mental Health System: Failing Its Children

With her history of repeated psychiatric hospitalizations and institutional placements, Emily was unfortunately typical of a group of so-called "high-end" children and youth whose problems escalate, rather than improve, as they are shuttled from placement to placement in the mental health system.[15] The mental health system has failed to provide appropriate services for Emily Q. and other California children like her, as a recent series of reports have documented.[16]

In 2001, California's Little Hoover Commission, a state "watchdog" agency established by the legislature, issued a blistering report on the state's children's mental health system entitled Young Hearts & Minds.[17] The report described how "thousands of children and their families suffer needlessly because mental health care is unavailable."[18]

Many children fail to receive the care they need to recover because of limits on services – including limits on who can be served and when they can be served. . . . Treatment services are available, but prevention services are not. Short-term treatment goals are given a higher priority than services to address long-term outcomes. And funding rules do not create incentives that encourage counties to provide children the most cost-effective treatment.[19]

The Little Hoover Commission found that some "children in California have needs beyond the capacity of existing treatment programs" and are "sent to out-of-state programs"; others "end up in the juvenile justice system, . . . on the streets, or cycling through inappropriate programs."[20] Mental health services for children need to be expanded, but "the State lacks appropriate standards on the care and services that should be available."[21] Further, "[w]hile most children in out-of-home placements need mental health services, there are no mechanisms to ensure these children receive screenings and treatment."[22]

The Little Hoover Commission's critique finds support in other reports and data. In October 2003, a RAND Corporation study listed California as one of three states nationwide which offer the least mental health care to children in need.[23] The study found that a child in Massachusetts, one of the states with the best access, is more than twice as likely as a similarly needy child in California to obtain mental health care.[24] "[D]isparities in service use and unmet need across states were driven by state-level factors" such as Medicaid program policies.[25] The authors recommended that California "improve the delivery of services to children with the highest need, predominantly black and Hispanic children and children in low-income families" by changing its Medicaid policies.[26]

California was also targeted in a 2003 report by the Government Accounting Office (GAO) on "custody relinquishment," a problem which occurs when families are denied access to mental health services for their children and forced instead to place them in the dependency or delinquency system.[27] The GAO found that California was among a group of states in which state Medicaid policies have contributed to the problem of parents being forced to give up custody of their children in order to obtain mental health care.[28]

Mental health data from the California Department of Mental Health (DMH) confirms that many children are deprived of the care they need. Nationally, it is estimated that from nine to thirteen percent of low-income children and youth have a serious emotional disturbance.[29] However, California's publicly funded Medicaid program provides specialty mental health services to only 5.36 percent of eligible children and youth.[30] This suggests that for every child who receives services, another is turned away.

California is not the only state with these problems. According to the U.S. Surgeon General's Conference on Mental Health, "the burden of suffering experienced by children with mental health needs and their families has created a health crisis in this country,"[31] with some of the most visible reminders being the many children stuck in psychiatric hospitals because community services are unavailable, the widespread criminalization of children with serious emotional disturbance in delinquency facilities and the problem of custody relinquishment noted above.[32]

In the landmark case of L.C. v. Olmstead, 33 the Supreme Court held that "unjustified institutional isolation of persons with disabilities is a form of discrimination" prohibited by the Americans with Disabilities Act.34 When children and youth with mental health needs are denied appropriate and less restrictive placements, this is a violation of what are now known as the Olmstead principles.35 National organizations have called for comprehensive state-wide Olmstead planning for children with serious emotional disturbance,36 but many states, including California,37 have failed to provide a meaningful response.

The High Cost of Neglecting Children's Mental Health Needs.

The Little Hoover Commission pointed out that "[i]n the end, the lack of timely and adequate care costs taxpayers millions of dollars in additional criminal justice, education, and health costs – while at the same time diminishing the economic potential of these young people."38 Even on a short-term basis, the cost of institutional placements is high. For example, like Emily, more than one hundred children and youth under age twenty-one are placed at state mental hospitals in the adult and minor's units.39 At an annual cost of more than $149,000 per child, per year, the state spends in excess of $15 million per year on these institutions alone. 40 Although reliance on state hospital beds is diminishing, children may instead be placed in locked, privately-operated community treatment facilities which are almost as expensive. The funds spent on institutional and residential services for children are especially problematic because studies have found no evidence base to support their efficacy, or that children necessarily improve.41

The incidence of costly emergency psychiatric hospitalization for children is also high in California and has doubled in the last ten years, increasing at a rate far higher than that for adults.42 A state study found that six percent of the children under age eighteen served by the Medi-Cal mental health system were involuntarily hospitalized in an acute psychiatric facility and that of these, forty percent were re-hospitalized a second time within six months.43 Psychiatric hospitalization is among the most costly of mental health interventions, with a Medi-Cal reimbursement rate of up to $873 per day.44 California spends an estimated $37 million per year on psychiatric hospitalization services for children, despite the fact that there is little evidence of its effectiveness.45

The Little Hoover Commission estimated that increasing utilization of outpatient children's mental health services by ten percent would save the state $110 million - $44 million in juvenile justice, $27 million in California Youth Authority, $78 million on residential treatment and $1.4 million at Metropolitan State Hospital.46 To illustrate its point, the Commission profiled a young woman named Linda who, like Emily, had been removed from an abusive family, placed in a series of inadequate foster and group homes and been repeatedly hospitalized.

In addition to the moral consequences of failing to address the needs of a child who has been in public custody since she was four-years-old, there are financial consequences. Long-term care, repeat hospitalizations, publicly supported housing and other services will cost the public sector much more than it would have cost to provide Linda with the comprehensive treatment that would have helped her recover when she was a very young child. Funding for mental health care in California is inefficient because it does not ensure that children, particularly children like Linda, receive targeted, comprehensive care that will reduce the need for long-term services.47

Other reports confirm that community based mental health services for children are cost-effective. A 2001 study by the University of California at San Francisco found that community-based mental health services for children with serious emotional disturbance can save more than five dollars in state and federal funds for every dollar invested, by avoiding the greater costs of psychiatric hospitalization and residential placement.48

Positive Behavior Interventions: A New Approach for Mental Health

According to the Judge David L. Bazelon Center on Mental Health Law, "[a]n important component in an effective system of care for children with serious mental or emotional disorders is the presence of an adult - someone who is not a member of the family - to mentor and assist the child at various critical times of the day."49 This para-professional position is called by various names; "in Medicaid the most common terms are 'behavioral aide' and 'therapeutic aide'." 50

Behavioral aides have proven a protective factor in the lives of children with serious mental or emotional disorders. Their focus is social support and social skills development, building a youngster's competencies and confidence and providing school support. Use of behavioral aides can prevent removal of a child from home and avert delinquency. Specifically, a behavioral aide may provide both crisis intervention and rehabilitation services, such as teaching the child appropriate problem-solving skills, anger management and other social skills. In many programs, behavioral aides provide assistance at one or more of the following times: in the early morning to help the child get ready for the day; during the school day, as they accompany the child; after school, engaging the child in constructive activities in the community; and at bedtime, helping the child end the day and retire. For some children, behavioral-aide services may be needed at all of these times, at least for a while.

. . .

Behavioral aides implement a behavioral management plan, furnishing services such as training and reinforcement in social and behavior management skills and building youngster's competencies and confidence. Behavioral aides help a child both to learn and to observe appropriate behavior. Other services include crisis intervention; parent education and assistance to parents in managing their child's symptoms and behaviors; and providing school support and other specific psychosocial rehabilitative activities described in the child's treatment plan. 51

The interventions provided by behavior aides are developed by clinicians trained in the field of applied behavior analysis and focus on the communicative intent of a child's behavior and the antecedents and consequences.52 The beginning point is generally a functional behavioral assessment, which is "the process of determining the cause (or function) of behavior," including what the child "gets or avoids through the behavior."53

Next, a behavior intervention or behavior support plan is developed based on the functional behavioral assessment. Behavior intervention plans include strategies to both reduce unwanted behaviors and also to teach new skills and "replacement" behaviors which serve the same functions as the unwanted behaviors.54

Until recently, behavior intervention approaches, such as the use of behavior aides and positive behavior support plans, were used primarily with children and adults with severe disabilities.55 The use of positive behavior intervention approaches expanded dramatically with amendments in 1997 to the federal special education statute – the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act or IDEA – which mandated the use of functional assessments and positive behavioral interventions, strategies, and supports for problem behavior which impedes the student's learning or that of others.56 For the first time, special education students with emotional disturbance and mental illness had a right to a functional behavioral assessment as part of their special education program, and could qualify for a one-to-one behavior aide.57 One commentator asserts that, "the incorporation of these concepts in the language of a federal law probably represents the most significant policy impact that behavior analysis, or any similar discipline, has ever generated."58

Moreover, "[a]lthough the 1997 amendments to IDEA catapulted functional assessment into a much wider sphere of influence, its popularity was already increasing within the world of behavior analysis and behavioral support."59 For example, California passed special education statutes to implement positive behavior interventions in 1990, and has a framework which is more detailed and comprehensive than the one under IDEA.60

Positive behavior intervention programs have resulted in some remarkable successes with children with mental health needs. One case study profiled a teenager in Redding, California with Tourettes Syndrome and other serious mental health problems. The child was facing residential placement for setting fires, drawing lewd pictures, hate messages and swastikas on walls, and assaulting another child so severely that she lost two teeth.61 With a behavior intervention plan and a therapeutic behavior aide for up to six hours per day, the young man excelled in a regular high school, was on the Dean's list for his academic achievement and soon was able to reduce his reliance on the services of this therapeutic aide.62 The behavior expert who developed his plan and supervised the services explained that this young man is a real success because not only have his behaviors been replaced with socially acceptable alternatives, but he also participates fully in school and his community and is on the road to becoming a contributing member of society."63

According to the Bazelon Center, behavioral aide services for children with mental health needs are sometimes "included in a broader definition of 'wraparound services.'"64 As part of the wraparound process, case managers develop an individualized service plan tailored to the specific needs of the child and family.65 Services based on the needs of the child and family, including the services of a "coach" or "mentor" as part of a child's wraparound program, can be very effective. In Alaska, a wraparound program using an individualized treatment approach and one-to-one behavior services was successful in bringing home every child from residential placement, at a significant cost savings for the state.66

As early as 1995, a pilot wraparound program in Santa Clara County, California, Program Uniting Partners to Link and Invest in Families Today ("UPLIFT"), included home-based positive behavior intervention staff.67 The first case history presented in their report concerned Don, a fourteen-year-old youth, who was in a locked residential facility after having been placed unsuccessfully in six previous group homes where he had sexually assaulted younger children.68 With a therapeutic behavior aide, Don soon was able to return home to his family and attend a regular school where he joined the marching band, participated in football, swimming, singing, and drama class.69 His family attributed much of his success to an UPLIFT staff member who followed Don everywhere, including helping him get up in the morning, supporting him at school and with his peers and helping him pursue interests in the community.70 As the services of the shadow mentor were reduced, Don was able to graduate from Program UPLIFT, holds a part time job and planned to attend college.71

A Behavior Plan for Emily

In 1998, when advocates met Emily at the state mental hospital and considered community-based options for her, they noted that all of the conventional mental health interventions attempted with her had failed.72 Consequently, they decided to seek positive behavior intervention supports, which were seldom considered for mental health patients at that time.73 Emily's advocates called in one of the nation's top behavioral experts, Dr. Thomas Willis, of the Institute for Applied Behavioral Analysis (IABA), to design a program to facilitate her release from the hospital and support her in the community.74 Dr. Willis developed a detailed, eighty-page functional assessment report and behavior intervention plan for Emily.75 He agreed that her challenging behaviors had clear antecedents and thus could be modified and replaced.76

For example, Emily would escalate her behavior when she was ignored, which occurred frequently in an institutional setting with low staffing ratios.77 Dr. Willis described this as a "behavioral shout," or request for attention.78 Dr. Willis' meticulous analysis of the nursing notes and logs in Emily's hospital charts confirmed that incidents involving restraint and seclusion mostly occurred when her requests for attention were ignored.79 Emily's behavior support plan included a one-to-one aide for her entire waking day at the hospital and in the community after her discharge to provide her with behavioral support and consistent, positive reinforcement.80

Another crucial element in addressing Emily's behavior was positive programming: structuring her time with social skills training in the context of highly motivating, enjoyable activities.81 One expert explains:

We have found that a client's behavior is often aggravated rather than improved by being in a restrictive, institutional setting. In many institutional settings, the environment is so barren and isolating that there is little motivation for the individual to act in a socially appropriate way. Conversely, the only attention she may receive is from misconduct which in fact reinforces the difficult behaviors. A child in such a situation probably will deteriorate.82

Hospital staff often barred Emily from attending school unless she maintained good behavior for weeks or even months at a time, something she was almost never able to achieve, leaving her ward or participating in group activities or trips outside of the hospital. 83 As a result, she had no positive experiences at the hospital. In her behavior intervention plan, Dr. Willis directed that she have a variety of positive, enjoyable activities provided in a non-contingent manner, including regular trips outside the hospital into the community, theater activities, games, and drawing.84

Emily herself recognized that she needed to learn from someone how to live normally outside the hospital without feeling scared, something with which a therapeutic aide could help her.85 She wanted an aide to accompany her throughout the day, demonstrating appropriate responses to different real life situations and re-directing her when she became frustrated, upset, or out of control.86 Even simple behaviors like learning to wait or tolerating frustration are skills that children like Emily must re-learn in order to transition after a period of institutionalization.87

Dr. Willis explained that because standard treatment approaches simply have not worked for Emily, access to therapeutic behavioral aides and a positive support plan represented her only chance for being able to live in the community and to "avoid spending the rest of her life in a locked institution."88 Unfortunately, neither the state hospital nor the county which placed Emily there would agree to hire a behavior aide for Emily or to implement Dr. Willis' behavior plan for Emily, so her prospects for discharge were dismal.89

Advocates File Suit in Lawsuit in 1998 Seeking Behavior Intervention Services.

Medicaid is a cooperative federal-state program by which states provide medical assistance to their low-income residents with financial participation from the federal government. 90 Medi-Cal, as California calls its Medicaid program, serves more than 3.2 million children and youth under age twenty-one.91

As a condition of receiving federal matching funds, the Medicaid statute requires that states implement the "Early, Periodic, Screening, Diagnosis and Treatment" (EPSDT) program for Medicaid-eligible children under age twenty-one.92 Participating states must provide screening services to identify defects, conditions and illnesses.93 State EPSDT programs must also provide children with diagnostic and treatment services "to correct or ameliorate defects and physical and mental illnesses and conditions discovered by the screening service, whether or not such services are covered under the State [Medicaid] plan."94 Consequently, states may be required to provide children with a broader range of services under the EPSDT program than they are required to provide adults.95

For many years, California failed to implement the treatment component of the EPSDT program--providing screening--but no additional treatment services beyond those available to adults.96 In 1993, advocates filed a lawsuit, T.L. v. Belshé,97 seeking additional EPSDT services.98 A settlement was reached when the state agreed to promulgate new regulations governing supplemental EPSDT services, provide home-based shift nursing coverage for children who would otherwise be in nursing facilities and pediatric sub-acute facilities and transfer additional funding to the state mental health department for EPSDT mental health services.99

Mental health services for children may have expanded after the T.L. case, but were still comparatively limited. However, at least five states already provided behavioral aide services under their EPSDT programs.100 In one state, Pennsylvania, Medicaid funded behavioral assessments and therapeutic behavior aides for up to eighteen hours per day.101

Consequently, EPSDT and Medicaid seemed to be the most promising way to obtain the behavior support services that Emily and other children in mental institutions needed.102In May 1998, attorneys from Protection and Advocacy, Inc., Western Center on Law and Poverty, Mental Health Advocacy Services and Public Counsel filed a complaint and a motion for a preliminary injunction in federal district court in Los Angeles.103 The complaint alleged that Emily and the other five named plaintiffs had been receiving mental health services through Medi-Cal but were deteriorating, as reflected in their psychiatric hospitalizations, episodes of assault and aggression and suicide attempts.104 The pleadings detailed their very difficult lives, and the anguish of their parents and caregivers made a passionate case for their need for more intensive, individualized and strength-based services and access to one-to-one therapeutic behavior aides.105

Surprisingly, the state mental health agency agreed that children were entitled to more intensive one-to-one services than they had been receiving.106 A DMH official proposed to develop a new service which the state called Therapeutic Behavioral Services (TBS), to address the needs of children in or at risk of high level residential placements.107 As conceived by the state, TBS would involve a trained staff person available on a one-on-one basis to work with a child with severe emotional or mental disabilities in his or her home and community.108 The state framed TBS as a short-term service intended to prevent a young person from having to go into a more restrictive placement, or to support the transition from an institutional placement back to the child's home or community.109 In a draft paper which was later incorporated in a federal court order, the state described the new service:

TBS is an EPSDT supplemental service benefit for children/youth with serious emotional problems who are experiencing a stressful transition or life crisis which, without adequate short-term support, puts them at risk of placement in an institution or [high-level] group home or of being unable to transition from that level to a lower level of residential care. . . . TBS provides critical, short-term support services for full scope Medi-Cal children/youth for which other specialty mental health Medi-Cal reimbursable interventions have not been, or are not expected to be, effective without additional supportive services. . . . TBS involves a qualified provider/staff person being immediately available during designated time periods to provide individualized behavioral interventions as needed at home, school or other community-based setting.110

The state's plan also explained that "TBS is one type of a broad variety of individualized services that may be used in a 'wraparound' process. . . . The guiding principle of the wraparound process is to do what is needed when it is needed to achieve the child/youth's treatment goals."111

Pleased with the proposal from the state Department of Mental Health (DMH), the children's lawyers took their motion off calendar, but the state soon reneged on its commitment to implement TBS. The children's attorneys filed a new round of motions and the federal court granted a state-wide preliminary injunction requiring the state to implement TBS based on its original plan in July, 1999.112 The court also certified a class consisting of children and youth under twenty-one who receive Medi-Cal and (a) are placed in a high-level residential mental health facility, or (b) are being considered for placement in these facilities, or (c) have undergone at least one emergency psychiatric hospitalization related to their current presenting disability within the preceding twenty-four months.113 The state estimated that approximately 24,000 children met the class definition,114but not all would qualify to actually receive TBS.115

On March 30, 2001, after eighteen months of negotiations between the parties, including extensive legal briefing and the submission of more than 2000 pages of exhibits, Judge E. Howard Matz issued a permanent injunction and final judgment in Emily Q. v. Bontá.116 The judgment bound the state health and mental health agencies and the county mental health plans to continue to provide TBS to class members.117 It included new notice provisions to ensure that children and their families know about the mental health services available to them.118 DMH was required to assure that new brochures describing both TBS and EPSDT mental health services would be mailed to families, distributed to children in foster care and given to every child at the time of a psychiatric hospitalization.119 The federal court also ordered that a new certification form must be completed to ensure that TBS is considered as an alternative before children and young people are placed in out-of-home residential placements and hospitals.120 Class members already placed in the state mental hospitals were to have special TBS assessments completed and provided to their families, attorneys and plaintiffs' attorneys.121 DMH was directed to monitor provider capacity, identify counties with "disproportionately low TBS utilization," and take any necessary corrective action.122 Finally, the court retained jurisdiction for three years and required DMH to provide quarterly reports and data to the children's attorneys on TBS utilization and the corrective action it had undertaken.123

With this structure in place, improvements seemed possible. When the GAO prepared its report on custody relinquishment in 2002, it pointed to California's TBS as an example of a transition service that can "prevent some child welfare and juvenile justice placements" by "providing the services parents need to maintain the child in the home."124

Six Years Later, Only Slow and Erratic Progress in Implementing Therapeutic Behavioral Aide Services.

At first, the TBS program grew steadily as counties added new providers and gained experience with the new service. A former county mental health director who was "skeptical about TBS" at first, "soon saw how effective TBS can be, and that it is a "potent treatment tool."125 Staff members at mental health agencies that began providing TBS described it as a "highly successful" service, a "wonderful program" and "an effective tool" to assist families "to stay together."126 One provider described how TBS resulted in a "remarkable reduction" in out-of-home placements.127 Another provider explained that he had not initiated a single hospitalization at his sixty-six bed group home since his agency was able to implement TBS, although hospitalizations were frequent before that time.128

For some children and their families, access to TBS was life-changing. One mother explained that she would not have needed to place her severely mentally ill daughter in a foster care group home "if TBS had been provided sooner."129 Once TBS was available, her daughter was able to come home and "things have improved a great deal."130 Her child, now nine years old, has "learned to take responsibility for her own actions, . . . to problem solve and[,] . . . to come to me when she has issues or concerns. . . . There has been more progress made with the TBS than with her therapist."131

This growth of the TBS program was reversed starting in January 2002, when DMH began a series of audits of every approved claim for TBS. Although no evidence of fraud was ever uncovered, the audits had a chilling effect on utilization, since no other mental health service had ever been singled out for review and one-hundred percent audits were unprecedented. One experienced observer noted that "an audit targeted at one service is a clear signal that this service is unacceptable."132 DMH also developed new, complex pre-authorization requirements for TBS which further dampened utilization.133

DMH's audits and new pre-authorization rules sent negative signals to the county mental health plans to restrict TBS utilization.134 The Little Hoover Commission had explained the dynamic in its 2001 report:

Expanding EPSDT services . . . has been hindered by warnings from fiscal control agencies. The Department of Finance and the Legislative Analyst are concerned that EPSDT bills are rising. The Department of Mental Health has promised detailed scrutiny of billings. Together, these actions have signaled counties to be cautious about increasing EPSDT-funded services. So while EPSDT was conceived to provide comprehensive services to children enrolled in Medi-Cal, many do not receive services. Counties also have been held liable in the past when the State has told them to expand access to services, but then implements regulations that limit who can be served and how services are offered. The safe path for counties is to limit access.135

Although the judgment required DMH to monitor counties with "disproportionately low TBS utilization" and take necessary corrective action, DMH never defined how it would measure this and had taken no corrective actions since 1999 when the program was implemented.136 Because DMH focused exclusively on correcting any potential over-utilization and did nothing to address under-utilization, all the incentives – both fiscal and for staff time – were to limit the program.137

By June of 2003, the decline in utilization was apparent even from the limited data provided in DMH's reports.138 An expert who reviewed the data observed that "[w]hen use of a service increases and then drops dramatically as it has in California, a problem exists. In my experience, such a decline in approvals cannot represent a decline in need, but instead must be due to administrative constraints unrelated to need."139 Equally troublesome were the disparities among the fifty-eight counties in California. A child's chances of being approved for TBS were twenty‑five times greater in Orange County than adjoining San Bernardino County.140 While some counties offered extensive TBS, several counties had not approved a single child for TBS since the program began.141

Many children suffered from the delays and denials of TBS which resulted from the new restrictions. J.S. was a twelve-year old boy with post-traumatic stress syndrome resulting from his mother's repeated threats to his life.142 J.S. went through 10 psychiatric hospitalizations in eleven months, and was re-hospitalized less than a week after the county had placed him in a high-cost group home only slightly less restrictive than the state mental hospital. Yet, the county he lived in repeatedly refused to approve TBS for him, holding him instead at the county juvenile hall when placement after placement fell through.143 The greatest tragedy was that his father, a single parent, "could have kept J.S. at home if he had been provided with very intensive TBS."144

In Los Angeles, a TBS provider reported that two children were removed from their family homes because the agency could not start TBS in time due to "incredible delays" in getting pre-authorization.145 Parents and other providers also reported that children were hospitalized or at risk of losing placements due to the delays and denials of TBS following the audits and new pre-authorization rules.146 A TBS provider explained that when the county prematurely terminated TBS for one child, "[t]hat county didn't save money," since the $10,000 per month cost of the group home is "certainly more than the 25 hours of TBS per month that we wanted to provide."147

Federal Court Agrees to Modify the Judgment and Extend Jurisdiction

In October 2003, attorneys for the plaintiff children filed a motion to modify and clarify the judgment, arguing that its purposes were being frustrated and that the state was not in compliance. As an expert witness, they brought in Dr. John VanDenBerg, a respected, national expert in wraparound services and other individualized mental health services, who had directed the mental health programs of several states.148 He concluded that "TBS services [in California] are being dramatically underutilized. As a result, the Medi-Cal program is leaving thousands of children with serious mental health needs without access to this valuable service."149 In Dr. VanDenBerg's opinion, a "conservative estimate" is that five to ten percent of the children receiving mental health services from the counties and who have serious emotional disturbance (SED) should qualify for and would benefit from TBS:

A high rate, of at least 50% or more, of all children and youth with SED have co-occurring disorders (dual diagnosis) and/or involvement with more than one public system, such as mental health, child welfare, and juvenile justice. . . . Virtually all children with co-occurring disorders will benefit from direct care services such as TBS. . . . Because California defines eligibility for TBS more narrowly than other areas, only those children with SED who are also at risk of out-of home placement or who have also had a psychiatric hospitalization will qualify. In my experience, at least 5 to 10 % of children with SED will meet these additional conditions.150

Based on Dr. VanDenBerg's "conservative estimate,"151 of the 158,000 children and youth under age twenty-one served by the county mental health plans in fiscal year 2001-2002, from 7900 to 15,800 should have been approved for TBS annually.152 In reality, only 2,636 children were approved for TBS during that same period, less than a third of the lowest range of estimated need.153

In an order issued on January 29, 2004, the federal court granted the children's request for further relief.154 Judge Matz found that: (a) "utilization of TBS had remained low even by state's own standards," (b) TBS was "underutilized leaving thousands of class members without access to this service," (c) the state had failed to determine or demonstrate what constitutes an adequate TBS approval rate or to take effective corrective action against county mental health plans where either no class members, or a disproportionately low number of class members, have been approved for TBS, (d) many class members were not receiving the services to which they are entitled and that as a result, (e) the purpose of the 2001 Judgment was not being fulfilled in a material respect.155 The order also extended the court's jurisdiction for an additional 18 months,156 ordered the state to adopt an expedited authorization procedure for TBS,157 and directed the parties to collaborate to develop a plan to increase TBS utilization.158

Throughout 2004, DMH, the children's attorneys and other stakeholders, including representatives from the counties and TBS providers, met to try to negotiate ways to increase TBS utilization.159 The state agreed to some changes, including a plan to post compliance data on the state's website and an agreement to review TBS implementation in a few counties.160 Judge Matz issued a new ruling to relieve some of the constraints the state had imposed on TBS,161 but there was no progress on the central disputes, such as whether there should be a minimum TBS utilization rate that every county should meet and whether counties should be required to use a wraparound approach in delivering TBS, as plaintiffs had requested.162

Federal Court Appoints a Special Master

After nine months of hearings and interim orders regarding compliance, the federal judge suggested the appointment of a special master.163 The involvement of special masters and court monitors has been a promising development in mental health litigation, including children's mental health cases. Monitors or masters have been appointed in systemic child welfare and mental health cases in many states,164 including Hawaii,165 Arizona,166 Alabama,167 Utah,168 and the District of Columbia.169

Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 53(a)(1)(C) provides, in pertinent part, that "a court may appoint a master . . . [to] address pre-trial and post-trial matters that cannot be addressed effectively and timely by an available district judge or magistrate judge of the district." The present rule, which was amended effective January 1, 2003, "is designed neither to encourage nor discourage the use of masters," and post-trial masters may be appointed to assist the court in "framing and enforcing complex decrees."170

Prior to the 2003 revision, Rule 53 required exceptional conditions for appointment of a master,171 but even under that more stringent standard, the "prospect of noncompliance" with a court order "is an 'exceptional condition' that justifies reference to a master."172 Indeed, the "power of the federal courts to appoint special masters to monitor compliance with their remedial orders is well established."173

On January 3, 2005, the district court appointed Dr. Ivor Groves as special master in Emily Q.174 The master will submit a series of quarterly reports before the scheduled termination of the court's jurisdiction in November 2005.175 A key question for the special master in this new phase of monitoring will be whether access to TBS and one-to-one behavior aides can be increased significantly without addressing the more fundamental problems with the children's mental health system. If the overall provision of services is inadequate, as the Little Hoover Commission and other commentators assert,176 then providing TBS alone will be of little effect. Since the court issued a broad charge to the special master to "make other recommendations to the parties and to the Court on how to improve delivery of TBS and effectuate the purpose of the Judgment,"177 the master may conclude that broader system change is necessary to ensure that class members receive TBS when needed and make recommendations accordingly.

An answer to the question about whether broader system reform is a prerequisite for compliance with the judgment may arise as the special master oversees a series of "focused reviews" of county mental health plans with low TBS utilization.178 The children's attorneys hope to incorporate a quality service review to develop accountability and new measures of system performance.179 Using each child's individual case as a lens to test and measure of the effectiveness of the mental health system, such a review looks at actual children's case files to see whether there is a long-term plan, crisis services available, family involvement, etc.180 Since the state's present focus is on audits aimed at technical compliance with documentation requirements, incorporating a case-focused approach may fundamentally improve service outcomes.

Class Action litigation and Systemic Change Leave Emily Behind.

After years of slow progress on the Emily Q. class action, what happened to Emily herself? Unfortunately, she derived no benefit from the litigation. Despite the comprehensive behavior support plan developed by Dr. Willis and the new Medicaid benefit developed in her name, she never met discharge criteria for release from the hospital.181 Her behaviors while institutionalized were so difficult that no other community-based provider or residential facility was willing to take a chance on her.182 She was infamous at the hospital for her role in the lawsuit and staff often seemed to go out of their way to provoke her outbursts. The hospital refused to allow a TBS aide to work with her while she was still on the ward, citing the "therapeutic milieu."183 Moreover, the state's cautious interpretation of the complex Medicaid reimbursement rules made it impossible to fund a one-to-one aide to work with her while she was still in the hospital.

In addition, Emily aged-out of the class in her own lawsuit. EPSDT covers children and youth only up to their twenty-first birthday.184 Emily turned twenty-one on March 10, 2001, three weeks before the federal court entered its permanent injunction.185 Still, she never gave up and never stopped calling her lawyers to ask about her release date. That her lawyers had hit a brick wall and that she was no longer eligible for the very benefits, which bore her name, was no excuse. Emily would not let herself be forgotten.

In late 2001, desperate for another legal strategy, Emily's advocates began to focus on the special education mandates in IDEA, rather than Medicaid. Although Emily was no longer eligible for EPSDT benefits, her special education eligible continued until her twenty-second birthday, and she remained eligible for compensatory special education for another three years thereafter.186 Since positive behavior interventions and functional behavior assessments were expressly required under special education law, and since these protections applied even to children in acute hospitals, the new approach worked where Medicaid did not.187 Moreover, Dr. Willis, the expert who developed her behavior support plan, was on familiar ground since he had worked with many special education students and testified at special education hearings.188

In March 2002, Emily's advocates filed a request for a special education administrative hearing, arguing that she had been denied behavior supports, community experiences and independent living skills required by IDEA.189 The administrative hearing consumed three weeks in June and July of 2002 and was held on the grounds of the state hospital; Emily attended each day. The hearing officer's decision was released in September 2002 and was entirely favorable.190 The forty-five page, single-spaced hearing decision analyzed the testimony from twenty-six witnesses and more than two thousand pages of evidence.191 The hearing officer found that Emily had been subjected to "numerous and egregious" violations of special education law had been denied a free and appropriate public education for the past three years.192 The hearing officer found that "[Emily's] history of institutionalization has resulted in the very behaviors that now keep her in a locked facility – a vicious cycle which can only be broken with the intervention of appropriate behavioral techniques."193 She ordered the state hospital and the school district to provide Emily with compensatory education in the form of a comprehensive program of behavioral services, independent living services and functional skills training.

The special education hearing decision was remarkable for several reasons. First, the compensatory education benefits were entirely non-academic in nature and intended solely to "prepare [Emily] for independent living and employment in the community."194 For transition age youth such as Emily, classroom education is not developmentally appropriate; many youth will refuse special education services thinking that this is all they can get. The educational programming they need should include "opportunities [] to participate with [] non-disabled peers in community settings," "community and vocational experiences outside the classroom setting, training in independent and daily living skills and a functional skills curriculum;" which was precisely what the hearing officer ordered.195 The hearing officer also found that because "[Emily's] behavior has been the primary reason for her continued institutionalization, and [has] been the main impediment to her integration and placement in the community for most of her life, . . . implementation of [her behavior intervention plan] is essential to [her] entitlement to compensatory education."196

Second, Emily's behavior plan called for one-to-one staffing for up to sixteen hours per day, and for two staff members to support her at certain times, especially when she was out in the community.197 The hearing officer agreed to order this intensive level of behavior support according to her behavior intervention plan,198 which is more attention than Emily would have been able to receive through TBS and Medicaid.

Third, the school district which operated the on-grounds school at the state hospital argued that the decisions to keep Emily in restraints and exclude her from school attendance were medical decisions for which it was not responsible. The hearing officer found that "[Emily's] educational needs fell through the chasm that existed between the medical and educational divisions at [the state